Physical Education in the UK: Exploring provisions across the four home nations

Physical Education in the UK: Exploring provisions across the four home nations

by | BERA, NW 18 Research in Sport Pedagogy, SERA

This blog is the first installment of the EERA-funded seminar series on ‘Physical Education Curriculum Learning across European Borders’ and focuses on the curricula of the United Kingdom (UK), with the four home nations of Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland. 

The UK presents an interesting context, with a devolved system of government, meaning each nation has responsibility for the development and delivery of its own localised education policy. As such, there are significant differences in the structure and content of national curricula across the UK, driven by varying political agendas as well as a desire for countries to forge a distinct path and educational identity. For example, in both Scotland and Wales, PE is positioned within the curricular area of Health and Wellbeing and, as such, has an explicit role to play in this regard (more detail on this below). As noted in the opening blog in this series, our recent cross-border curriculum analysis work as the UKPE Collaborative has evidenced this, with a specific focus on the context of physical education (PE) and Health and Wellbeing (see Gray et al., 2022a; Gray et al., 2022b). 

This blog seeks to provide an overview of some key findings in relation to our cross-curricula analysis. What follows is a brief overview of the curricula landscape in each country context, with a focus on the relevance for PE and Health and Wellbeing. Subsequently, we offer a brief analysis of similarities and differences across the home nations and reflections on the implications for curriculum development/reform.

 

PE curriculum in Scotland

In Scotland, the current curriculum is the Curriculum for Excellence (CfE), introduced in 2010 for learners aged from 3 to 18. Within CfE, PE sits within the curriculum area of Health and Wellbeing (HWB). Here, PE teachers are guided by Experiences and Outcomes, statements which describe what children and young people should experience and achieve as they progress through school. Alongside physical objectives, they focus on social, emotional and mental objectives, written as ‘I can’ statements that position the learner as central to the planning, teaching and learning processes.

A key feature of the Scottish PE curriculum is this strong alignment with wider HWB outcomes. PE teachers are responsible not only for young people’s physical learning and development, but also for supporting, for example, their confidence, motivation, resilience and relationships. Interestingly, although the curriculum provides details on whatlearners should achieve (I can recognise improvements and achievements), it offers only limited guidance on how this learning should be achieved. Despite this, through collaboration, professional learning and engagement with research, many PE teachers in Scotland have developed pedagogical approaches that meaningfully embed personal development and wellbeing, positioning PE as a subject that supports the whole child (e.g., Lamb et al., 2021; Teraoka & Kirk, 2022).

PE curriculum in England

In the English context, the National Curriculum sets out programmes of study and attainment targets for all subjects across 4 Key Stages (KS1/2 – primary, KS3/4 – secondary), comprising learners from 5-16 years. More specifically, the PE offer is shaped by the National Curriculum for Physical Education (NCPE), last revised in 2014 (and currently undergoing a review). The four overarching aims of the NCPE are to ensure that all pupils:  

  1. develop competence to excel in a broad range of physical activities
  2. are physically active for sustained periods of time
  3. engage in competitive sports and activities
  4. lead healthy, active lives.

The purpose across all stages is to inspire pupils to succeed and excel in competitive sport and other physically demanding activities, thus helping them to build character and embed values such as fairness and respect. Across all stages of learning, pupils should also be provided with opportunities to become physically confident in ways that support their health and fitness. The current NCPE is a brief document and has been described as ‘traditionalist and minimalist’ (Herold, 2020). However, the brevity of the NCPE can also be seen to afford teachers autonomy and support the use of professional judgement in shaping practice to meet the needs of diverse learners.

PE curriculum in Wales

The Curriculum for Wales (introduced in 2022) is the national framework guiding education for learners aged 3–16. It is underpinned by the Four Purposes, which act as the starting point for all learning, and places strong emphasis on pedagogy, teacher agency, and subsidiarity, enabling schools to design curricula that reflect their learners and local contexts. Learning is organised into six Areas of Learning and Experience: Expressive Arts; Health and Wellbeing; Humanities; Languages, Literacy and Communication; Mathematics and Numeracy; and Science and Technology.

For PE, one of the main implications of this new curriculum is that it is not considered a separate subject but is embedded within the holistic Area of Health and Wellbeing. This Area is structured around five Statements of What Matters, which recognise the interconnected physical, social, emotional, cognitive, affective, and psychological aspects of wellbeing. These emphasise lifelong physical health, mental and emotional responses to experiences, informed decision-making, the influence of social factors on wellbeing, and the importance of healthy relationships. Together with the Principles of Progression and Descriptions of Learning, these statements support teachers in designing locally responsive curricula that develop in complexity as learners progress.

PE curriculum in Northern Ireland

Following its revision in 2007, the Northern Ireland curriculum (NIC) underwent a significant shift towards a more skills-based, flexible curriculum with greater emphasis on Thinking Skills and Personal Capabilities and the introduction of cross-curricular skills (Communication, Using Maths, Using ICT). Specifically, the NIC was designed to help young people develop as:

  • Individuals
  • Contributors to society
  • Contributors to the economy and environment

Across all stages of the curriculum – Foundations (4 – 6 years); KS1 and KS2 (6-11 years); KS3 (11-14 years) and KS4 (14 – 16 years) – PE is a compulsory area of learning.

Within the NIC, PE aims to develop learners’ physical skills and fitness, knowledge of movement, and health and personal and social skills (e.g. teamwork, confidence, resilience) though the focus varies across stages. In Foundation and KS1 and KS2, the emphasis is on children’s physical development, health and wellbeing, though there is a somewhat narrow focus on sport and physical skills here. In contrast, KS3 concentrates more on holistic development, with the skills-based element focusing not only on performance but also on thinking skills and personal capabilities. KS4 then continues the holistic development focus, but with an increased recognition of health, wellbeing and lifelong participation, reflecting the wider aims of the NIC.

Cross-border curriculum analysis

Examining and comparing the messages conveyed across each national curriculum in the UK has highlighted both similarities and differences in how health is conceptualised within PE. Across all four nations, we found references to a public health discourse, positioning PE as a response to concerns such as low physical activity levels and sedentary lifestyles – although the strength of this message varies across contexts.

In England, public health is the dominant narrative, but this is less so in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, where health is framed more holistically – as ‘health and wellbeing’, encompassing social, emotional and mental health. This is perhaps unsurprising, given the position of PE in Scotland and Wales (aligned with Health and Wellbeing), and the emphasis on cross-curricular learning in Northern Ireland.

Our analysis also revealed that performance remains a strong curriculum discourse for PE across the UK, except for in Wales where recent reform has encouraged a more holistic approach. This offers useful comparative insights, encouraging us to consider what PE might look like if it moved beyond performance discourses focused on sport, skills and competition. There are implications here for future curriculum development and reform (see Gray et al., 2024 for further reflections).

Conclusion

By generating comparative insights about PE curricula from across the UK, we hope to reveal different perspectives on what PE is for and could become. Alongside the subsequent blogs detailing PE curricula from across Europe, this discussion contributes to a cross‑border learning journey that opens spaces for dialogue, critical reflection and new ideas for future curriculum development.

Key Messages

The devolved system of government in the UK makes for significant differences in the structure and content of the four national physical education (PE) curricula.

While there are some similarities across the four nations, there are also some interesting differences.

Comparing PE curricula from across the UK offers insights and different perspectives on what PE is for and what it could become.

Cross-border conversations like this are useful for future curriculum learning and reform.

Explore all blog posts from the cross-border PE curriculum seminar series 

Physical Education in the UK: Exploring provisions across the four home nations
This blog, the first in the EERA-funded seminar series on Physical Education Curriculum Learning across European Borders, explores PE curricula
Introducing a new series: Exploring Physical Education curriculum across European borders
Physical education has long been criticised for being narrow and exclusionary — but what happens when researchers and teachers from
Dr Rachel Sandford

Dr Rachel Sandford

Loughborough University, UK

Dr Rachel Sandford is a Reader in the School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences at Loughborough University, UK. She is also the Co-Lead of the UNESCO Chair in Sport, Physical Activity and Education for Development. Her research centres on young people’s attitudes towards, experiences of and development in/through sport and physical activity. She has a particular interest in issues around popular culture, embodied identity and positive youth development. Dr Rachel Sandford | Loughborough University

Dr Shirley Gray

Dr Shirley Gray

University of Edinburgh, UK

Dr Shirley Gray is a Senior Lecturer in Physical Education at the University of Edinburgh. Her research focuses on issues relating to gender and equality, social and emotional learning, pupil motivation and the professional learning of teachers. Dr Shirley Gray | University of Edinburgh 

Dr Anna Bryant

Dr Anna Bryant

Cardiff School of Education and Social Policy, Cardiff Metropolitan University

Dr Anna Bryant is Director of Teacher Education and Professional Learning and Reader in Physical Health Education at the Cardiff School of Education and Social Policy, Cardiff Metropolitan University. Her research focuses on physical health education, the health and wellbeing curriculum, and physical literacy. She co-leads the Teacher Education and Physical Health Education for Lifelong Learning (PHELL) Research and Innovation Group. Dr Anna Bryant | Cardiff Metropolitan University

Dr Julie Stirrup

Dr Julie Stirrup

School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences at Loughborough University, UK

Dr Julie Stirrup is a Senior Lecturer in Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy in the School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences at Loughborough University. Julie’s research focuses on policy and curriculum enactment across formal and informal physical education. Specifically exploring how teachers enact policy/curriculum and how this impacts learners across a range of social and cultural contexts. Julie Stirrup | School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences | Loughborough University

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Gray, S., Hooper, O., Hardley, S., Sandford, R., Aldous, D., Stirrup, J., Carse, N., & Bryant, A. S. (2022). A health(y) subject? Examining discourses of health in physical education curricula across the UK. British Educational Research Journal, 48(6), 1161–1182. https://doi.org/10.1002/berj.3820 

Gray, S., Sandford, R., Stirrup, J., Aldous, D., Hardley, S., Carse, N. R., Hooper, O., & Bryant, A. S. (2022). A comparative analysis of discourses shaping physical education provision within and across the UK. European Physical Education Review, 28(3), 575–593. https://doi.org/10.1177/1356336X211059440

Gray, S., Sandford, R., Hooper, O., Hardley, S., Bryant, A.S. & Carse, N. R. (2024). Exploring the re-legitimisation of messages for health and physical education within contemporary English and Welsh curricula reform. Sport, Education and Society, 29(8), 939–951. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2023.2240822

 Herold, F. (2020). ‘There is new wording, but there is no real change in what we deliver’: Implementing the new National Curriculum for Physical Education in England. European Physical Education Review, 26(4), 920–937. https://doi.org/10.1177/1356336X19892649

 Lamb, C. A., Teraoka, E., Oliver, K. L., & Kirk, D. (2021). Pupils’ motivational and emotional responses to pedagogies of affect in physical education in Scottish secondary schools. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(10), Article 5183. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18105183

Teraoka, E., & Kirk, D. (2022). Exploring pupils’ and physical education teachers’ views on the contribution of physical education to health and wellbeing in the affective domain. Sport, Education and Society, 27(8), 935-945. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2021.1940917

The well of resilience is running dry, but universities keep drawing from it

The well of resilience is running dry, but universities keep drawing from it

by | ESAI

Resilience is usually treated as a good thing. It is the quality we admire in people who keep going when work becomes difficult. The people who adapt under pressure, put their heads down and carry on when demands keep growing. In universities, as in many other professions and sectors, resilience is often treated as part of being professional.

What doesn’t kill you makes you stronger

However, there is a point at which resilience stops being a personal strength and becomes something the job quietly depends on. My recent research with teacher educators in Ireland and the UK suggests that this is increasingly the case in higher education. Teacher educators are not simply academics who ‘just’ teach and research. They also mentor student teachers, support them during school placement, respond to pastoral issues, and manage the effects of repeated policy, accreditation, and inspection demands (for example, Ofsted inspections in England). Much of this work is time-consuming, emotionally demanding, and only partly visible in the ways universities usually account for academic labour.

Keep calm and carry on

One participant in my study captured the culture in a single phrase: “Just plough on and pretend it’s not happening.” The phrase points to something beyond individual frustration; in work built around care and public service, people often keep things going by absorbing pressures that should not really be carried by individuals alone. They answer emails late into the evening, take on extra work, manage other people’s distress, and fill gaps when formal support is missing. Over time, what is praised as resilience can become one of the ways chronic strain is normalised.

Participants in my study described their academic roles as feeling like “three separate jobs” at once:

“No matter how hard or how efficiently we work, there is always a mountain of endless tasks to be completed.”

Another described how work had spread into every corner of their life:

“I never have true rest periods, working on annual leave, weekends and evenings. Never being ‘finished’, no matter how many hours or how little rest time, you are never on top of everything.”

None of this is to say that resilience has no value. It clearly does; it can help people deal with uncertainty and see them through periods of pressure. But it has limits. Namely, it cannot make an excessive workload reasonable, nor can it make an unsupported role more sustainable.

Soldier On

Yet public discussion of workplace pressure often slips too quickly into the language of coping. Are you setting boundaries? How are you managing your stress? Are you looking after yourself properly? Are you being adaptable enough? Have you attended the wellbeing workshop on offer? The problem is that those questions often obscure a harder one: why is so much of this strain being dealt with at the level of the individual in the first place?

Resilience as scar tissue

This is where Suslovic and Lett’s critique of resilience is useful. They argue that resilience is too often treated as “an individual-level solution to a structural toxin”. More strikingly, they suggest that resilience may be better understood as “scar tissue”. It is a powerful metaphor because it shifts resilience away from the reassuring language of inner strength and towards something else: the mark left by repeated injury.

The idea of scar tissue helps make sense of what many academics in my study described. Their accounts were not simply about the ordinary demands of their work. They were about prolonged accommodation to conditions that had become excessive and normalised. They repeatedly pointed to pressures that were structural rather than personal: competing demands across teaching, research, service, mentoring and placement work; administrative burdens linked to accountability systems; and a sense that the most demanding parts of their role were poorly understood, or indeed invisible.

As one participant put it:

“All of this work is pretty much irrelevant (under a performance metrics lens), so while I’m trusted to do my job, there isn’t really anyone who understands the stress involved in these elements.”

Moving beyond ‘Chin Up’

In recent years, work-related stress has increasingly been recognised not just as a private issue but also as an organisational one. For example, in December 2025, Britain’s Health and Safety Executive (HSE) found that the University of Birmingham did not have appropriate arrangements in place to manage work-related stress and could not demonstrate that it was managing the risks associated with excessive workload. The significance of that case lies in the framing. The question was not whether staff were coping well enough. It was whether the institution was identifying and effectively managing foreseeable risk, as is an employer’s legal responsibility.

There is a similar legal imperative in Ireland. The Health and Safety Authority (HSA) treats work-related stress as a workplace hazard to be assessed and prevented by employers. That matters because it shifts the focus from systems of work that generate stress to whether workers can keep adapting indefinitely.

This is significant since wellbeing language now circulates widely across universities in Ireland and the UK. That veneer of well-being can sit easily alongside overload if the organisation of work itself does not change. Workshops and wellbeing campaigns may have some value, but if academic staff do not have the time or energy to benefit from them, they can feel more like another way of returning responsibility to the individual. The real question, then, is not how much more resilience university staff can produce, but why universities have built conditions that depend so heavily on it.

Key Messages

Resilience needs to be viewed as a structural requirement, not a personal strength. Universities increasingly depend on academics’ abilitiy to absorb excessive workloads rather than addressing unsustainable working conditions

Teacher educators face invisible, emotionally demanding labour. Beyond teaching and research, they mentor students, manage pastoral care, and navigate constant policy changes – work that is time-consuming yet largely unrecognised.

Resilience may be better understood as ‘scar tissue’. Rather than inner strength, resilience can represent the accumulated damage from repeated exposure to structural workplace toxins.

Wellbeing initiatives can obscure systemic problems. Workshops and self-care campaigns place the responsibility on the individual, while leaving the organisation of work unchanged.

Dr Sabrina Fitzsimons

Dr Sabrina Fitzsimons

DCU CREATE—The Centre for Collaborative Research Across Teacher Education at Dublin City University, Ireland.

Sabrina Fitzsimons is a lecturer in Initial Teacher Education and Co-Director of DCU CREATE—The Centre for Collaborative Research Across Teacher Education at Dublin City University, Ireland. Her research focuses on the occupational well-being and flourishing of educators, including higher education-based teacher educators, academics, school-based teachers, student teachers and other educators. She is a graduate member of the Psychological Society of Ireland and a Senior Fellow of the Advance HE.

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Birmingham UCU. (2025, December 13). HSE confirms material breaches at the University of Birmingham following union safety concerns. https://birminghamucu.org/2025/12/13/hse-confirms-material-breaches-at-university-of-birmingham-following-union-safety-concerns/

British Safety Council. (n.d.). The Health and Safety at Work Act explained. Retrieved April 29, 2026, from https://www.britsafe.org/training-and-learning/informational-resources/the-health-and-safety-at-work-act-explained

 Fitzsimons, S., & Smith, D. S. (2025). “Just plough on and pretend it’s not happening”: Understanding burnout in teacher educators in Ireland and the United Kingdom. International Journal of Educational Research Open, 9, 100491. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedro.2025.100491

Fitzsimons, S., Boag, L. & Smith, D.S. (2025) Understanding Teacher Educators’ Quality of Life: Insights from the PERMA Model. Applied Research Quality Life. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11482-025-10435-z

Fitzsimons, S., & Smith, D. S. (2025). ‘Don’t do anything special for us coming’: the mental health impact of Ofsted inspections on teacher educators in England. Cambridge Journal of Education, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/0305764X.2025.2451280

Furlong, C., Fitzsimons, S., & O’Farrell, P. (2026). Protective factors for teacher wellbeing in Ireland through the PERMA lens. Pastoral Care in Education, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/02643944.2026.2646149

Health and Safety Authority. (n.d.). Safety, Health and Welfare at Work Act 2005. Retrieved April 29, 2026, from h https://www.hsa.ie/eng/topics/managing_health_and_safety/safety-_health_and_welfare_at_work_act_2005/

 Health and Safety Authority. (n.d.). Causes of work-related stress. Retrieved April 29, 2026, from https://www.hsa.ie/eng/workplace_health/workplace_stress/workplace-stress-overview/causes-of-work-related-stress/ 

Suslovic, B., & Lett, E. (2024). Resilience is an Adverse Event: A Critical Discussion of Resilience Theory in Health Services Research and Public Health. Community health equity research & policy, 44(3), 339–343. https://doi.org/10.1177/2752535X231159721 

Introducing a new series: Exploring Physical Education curriculum across European borders

Introducing a new series: Exploring Physical Education curriculum across European borders

by | BERA, NW 18 Research in Sport Pedagogy, SERA

In a world of cultural, economic and social change, physical education (PE) as a curriculum subject has remained something of a constant (e.g., Penney, 2008; Tinning, 2012). That is, at its core, PE remains a subject focused on the development of sports skills and/or an opportunity to engage in physical activity for the development of lifelong physical activity habits. These forms of PE have been criticised by some for being narrow (Gray et al., 2015), neoliberal (Evans, 2014), gendered (Camacho-Miñano et al., 2021) and ableist (Evans and Penney, 2008), working more for the benefit of some than others.

However, such views perhaps do not tell the whole story. For example, our recent work analysing PE curricula, and working with PE teachers from across the four nations of the UK (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales), demonstrated that whilst recurrent features of PE were evident, there were also notable differences in how PE was conceptualised and enacted across country contexts (Gray et al., 2022).

What we learned from talking across borders

Reflecting on these differences – in conversation with others – afforded opportunities for critical thinking, learning and innovation. Our analyses of the teachers’ discussions revealed that, in sharing and analysing curriculum experiences across jurisdictions, practitioners began to generate critical questions and discussions about the nature and purpose of PE in general, and in their own context specifically (Gray et al., 2022).

Such learning has been valuable within our own contexts, but we were keen to extend this conversation across European borders and therefore sought opportunities for further discussions through which we might learn more with/from European colleagues.

This resulted in the creation of the EERA-funded seminar series – ‘Physical Education Curriculum Learning across European Borders’.

Introducing the EERA Network 18 seminar series

This blog serves as an introduction to the seminar series, which is being led by Dr Shirley Gray and Dr Oliver Hooper (Link Convenor of Network 18 – Research in Sport Pedagogy) and supported by the UKPE Collaborative as well as members of NW18. The aim of the year-long project – commencing in October 2025 and running until August 2026 – is to facilitate cross-border dialogue among PE researchers and practitioners (e.g., teachers and student teachers) from across Europe, to support critical and creative thinking and to allow participants to begin to re-imagine PE for a more socially just future.

The series comprises seven online seminars and covers, in addition to the UK, 12 different country contexts (namely, Austria, Spain, Finland, Greece, Cyprus, Poland, Turkey, Ireland, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and the Netherlands), allowing researchers from across Europe to share their research and/or their critical perspectives on their local PE curricula. During each seminar, presenters and audience members explain and explore the different PE curricula and consider the value of cross-border dialogue to facilitate critical thinking and professional learning. The series culminates at ECER 2026, with a pre-conference, in-person workshop that looks to:

  • Synthesise the issues/discussions raised during the seminar series and consider the implications for PE across European borders,
  • Critically reflect on these issues, identifying key areas of learning around PE curriculum,
  • Co-create new ideas/principles for future PE curricula across Europe, and
  • Reflect on the value(s) of cross-border curriculum dialogue and learning.

After each seminar, speakers are invited to write a short blog post summarising their presentation and reflecting on their cross-border learning. Collectively, these blogs will help sustain and extend the conversations beyond the seminar series, as well as generate ideas for future research in this area.

Key Messages

  • Physical education (PE) as a curriculum subject often remains focused on the development of sport skills and lifelong physical activity habits.
  • PE has therefore been critiqued for being narrow, neoliberal and ableist, working more for the benefit of some than others.
  • Cross-border conversations about curriculum policy and enactment can support critical discussion, facilitate learning and shape more inclusive practice.
  • An EERA-funded seminar series has been established to explore PE curricula across 12 European contexts and facilitate cross-border learning for a more socially just future.
Dr Rachel Sandford

Dr Rachel Sandford

Loughborough University, UK

Dr Rachel Sandford is a Reader in the School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences at Loughborough University, UK. She is also the Co-Lead of the UNESCO Chair in Sport, Physical Activity and Education for Development. Her research centres on young people’s attitudes towards, experiences of and development in/through sport and physical activity. She has a particular interest in issues around popular culture, embodied identity and positive youth development. Dr Rachel Sandford | Loughborough University

Dr Oliver Hooper

Dr Oliver Hooper

Loughborough University, UK

Dr Oliver Hooper is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences at Loughborough University. Oliver’s research explores young people’s experiences within physical education, health and youth sport contexts with a specific focus on the experiences of marginalised youth. He is particularly interested in youth voice and the use of participatory methods to facilitate young people’s meaningful involvement within research. Dr Oliver Hooper | Loughborough University

Dr Shirley Gray

Dr Shirley Gray

University of Edinburgh, UK

Dr Shirley Gray is a Senior Lecturer in Physical Education at the University of Edinburgh. Her research focuses on issues relating to gender and equality, social and emotional learning, pupil motivation and the professional learning of teachers. Dr Shirley Gray | University of Edinburgh 

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Camacho-Miñano, M. J., Gray, S., Sandford, R., & MacIsaac, S. (2022). Young women, health and physical activity: Tensions between the gendered fields of Physical Education and Instagram. Sport, Education and Society, 27(7), 803–815. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2021.1932455

Evans, J. (2014). Neoliberalism and the future for a socio-educative physical education. Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy, 19(5), 545–558. https://doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2013.817010

 

Evans, J., & Penney, D. (2008). Levels on the playing field: The social construction of physical ‘ability’ in the physical education curriculum. Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy, 13(1), 31–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/17408980701345576

 

Gray, S., Hooper, O., Hardley, S., Sandford, R., Aldous, D., Stirrup, J., Carse, N., & Bryant, A. S. (2022). A health(y) subject? Examining discourses of health in physical education curricula across the UK. British Educational Research Journal, 48(6), 1161–1182. https://doi.org/10.1002/berj.3820

 

Gray, S., MacIsaac, S., & Jess, M. (2015). Teaching ‘Health’ in Physical Education in a ‘Healthy’ Way. RETOS: Nuevas Tendenies En Educacion Fisica Deportes y Recreacion, 28, 165–172. https://www.research.ed.ac.uk/en/publications/teaching-health-in-physical-education-in-a-healthy-way/

 

Gray, S., Sandford, R., Stirrup, J., Aldous, D., Hardley, S., Carse, N. R., Hooper, O., & Bryant, A. S. (2022). A comparative analysis of discourses shaping physical education provision within and across the UK. European Physical Education Review, 28(3), 575–593. https://doi.org/10.1177/1356336X211059440

 

Penney, D. (2008). Playing a political game and playing for position: Policy and curriculum development in health and physical education. European Physical Education Review, 14(1), 33–49. https://doi.org/10.1177/1356336X07085708

 

Tinning, R. (2012). The idea of physical education: A memetic perspective. Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy, 17(2), 115–126. https://doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2011.582488

 

UKPE Cross-border Learning and Innovation Collaborative – Making space for interdisciplinary research, dialogue, and collaboration in Physical Education and Health and Wellbeing. (n.d.). Retrieved May 29, 2026, from https://blogs.ed.ac.uk/ukpe-collaborative/

 

 

From outsider to researcher: Making the invisible barriers to education progression visible

From outsider to researcher: Making the invisible barriers to education progression visible

by | ESAI

Melissa Lynch’s educational journey truly began almost two decades after her initial attempt at higher education, “with two children in tow and life experiences the length and breadth of the island of Ireland”. Despite being “full of drive and ambition”, hoping to achieve the dream of going to university, she never got past the first day. It wasn’t till many years later that she found the courage to return to education as a mature student. In this personal essay, Melissa reflects on her journey and what it reveals about the barriers to further education for people like her.

My journey begins

I created this image using my family to show my research in an image. It won the Research on walls competition. I would like to use this image as I feel it allows people to see what they refuse to see, and once we do see it we cant unsee it. It’s the realities of many lives of the students im researching.

My educational journey began with a blocked path. First, by a lack of navigational knowledge, followed by a lack of leaving certificate points in the so-called ‘equitable’ Irish entry system known as the ‘Points Race’ (O’Connor, 2017). The Irish Leaving Certificate points system allocates specific points to exam grades, which are then totalled to create a rank order for higher education applicants (Hyland, 2011). Though I found a workaround and was able to attend university, it wasn’t enough.

My journey was also defined by the prejudgment I faced from others within hours of stepping foot inside a place I felt I didn’t belong. Even though I was in an access programme designed for students like me – from a low socio-economic status background – there was no one like me! I never got past the first day and for that I branded that initial attempt at educational progression a complete personal failure because I couldn’t make myself fit in nor look and sound like the others. Yet, I knew deep down the failure wasn’t mine; it was systemic.

The hidden obstacles facing students from LSES in Ireland

As a teenager from a low socio-economic status background (LSES), how was I expected to succeed alone when an unstable home life, chaotic circumstances, and a lack of ‘insider’ cultural knowledge made higher education navigation impossible? The Irish education system was set up to favour students who already possessed unspoken social and cultural advantages, and I had nothing to inherit. That personal failure and the persistent musing it provoked is now the basis of my ongoing PhD research, exploring why students from similar LSES backgrounds remain underrepresented in further/higher education despite decades of new policies and initiatives.

The Irish Higher Education Authority reported that only 10% of students from LSES areas who attend Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS) in Ireland progressed to higher education in contrast to 85% of students from affluent areas attending private schools (HEA, 2022;2023). I argue that until we acknowledge and understand how the hidden obstacles of social and cultural capital impact educational progression of LSES students, our equity and inclusion policies are destined to fail the very students they aim to help.

To understand why a system designed for fairness still produces fundamental inequality, we must change our focus. We must stop looking only at what the system provides in terms of funding and assistance and start looking at what students inherit.

The Irish educational paradox

My initial ‘personal failure’ was painful; I am speaking of the dual burden faced by many students from low-LSES backgrounds. First, there is the objective failure: not obtaining the university qualification we are socially conditioned to see as the sole metric of success. Second, and more corrosive, is the internalised belief that this shortcoming is a reflection of individual defect, rather than a consequence of lacking the social and cultural capital needed to navigate a judgmental system. This was my reality when, upon entering an access programme, the very stigma it was meant to erase led me to withdraw. It was, however, also a single reflection of a much larger, fundamental flaw in how the Irish educational system approaches equity. And now two decades later, it hasn’t changed a whole lot.

For a long time, the system has attempted to address inequality through many initiatives and policies, such as the introduction of the Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools (DEIS) programme, launched in 2005. This is one of the well-intentioned initiatives that are still in place and currently under review to be upgraded to ‘DEIS PLUS’. The central purpose of the DEIS Initiative is to support students from low socio-economic status (LSES) backgrounds to combat educational disadvantage and break the cycle of poverty through targeted support for schools and students. Its aim has been to level the playing field by directing additional resources, funding, and support to schools that serve communities with the highest levels of socio-economic disadvantage. These major government initiatives are well-intentioned, backed by significant investment, and focus heavily on two things the system can easily measure and deliver: academic support and financial aid.

This is where the paradox emerges; if we are pouring finances and resources into extra teaching resources, smaller class sizes, book-grant schemes, school completion programmes and so on – Why do students from LSES backgrounds or DEIS schools remain underrepresented in further and higher education?

Studies show the gap in progression to third level is still significantly low (Smyth, McCoy & Kingston, 2015; Fleming & Harford, 2021). We’ve treated the visible wounds, such as the lack of points and the cost of college, but the deep infection remains. Why is this conclusion unavoidable? Because the system is rewarding what it can see and ignoring what it can’t, or should I say, chooses not to see. My research is grounded in the belief that until we look beyond academics and economics, and start identifying and understanding the invisible barriers and impacts of social and cultural capital on students progression to FET/HE, the cycle of intergenerational educational disadvantage, poverty and inequality will continue.

Beyond Ireland – The lens of capital

To understand why a system designed for fairness still produces fundamental inequality, we must change our focus.

My PhD research adopts the framework of the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, who argued that success is not just about having money (economic capital) or good grades (academic capital). As established in his seminal work (Bourdieu, 1986), it is fundamentally about capital that is invisible.

This social and cultural capital is the invisible curriculum the system rewards, but never formally teaches.

Social Capital – Who you know • Your networks • Your connections • The area you grow up in • Your interactions that open doors, provide guidance, and support turning aspirations into real opportunities Cultural Capital – What you know • The unspoken rules • Your educational qualifications • Language– as in the way you speak • The knowledge you've been exposed to, and the life you have been born into • Any 'insider' knowledge that makes navigating a university or professional setting feel effortless for some, and impossible for others.

Research by Hannon, Faas & O’Sullivan (2017) shows that the Irish educational system inadvertently rewards this inherited social and cultural capital. This invisible curriculum is a set of unwritten instructions: how to pick the right subjects for your career when in 4th year in school, how to apply for the appropriate higher education courses, how to behave in a college environment, or how to secure a professional network.

When I was a teenager from a LSES background, I didn’t fail because I lacked the intelligence, drive or the work ethic; I failed because I lacked the map and the compass, I had nothing of this crucial capital to inherit, and the system did not provide it. This realisation is the engine driving my research to measure this missing map, and understand the scale of the capital gap.

Mapping the invisible gap

My ongoing qualitative doctoral research – based on focus groups and interviews with DEIS post-primary students, staff, families, education and community professionals – uses this Bourdieusian lens to map the capital gap. The preliminary findings are heartbreakingly consistent.

The preliminary discovery is that for LSES students, the barriers to educational progression are rarely just financial; they are overwhelmingly navigational (SOLAS, 2017). Students often have high aspirations, but their families and social networks cannot provide the ‘insider’ cultural knowledge required to translate those aspirations into successful further and higher level educational progression. Without networks, students lack exposure to professionals or university graduates who can explain what a particular career or degree actually involves. It is extremely difficult to envision becoming someone no one you know has become. This lack of connection was confirmed by a parent:

“Like I said, we don’t know anyone. It’s not just about knowing people with fancy jobs, it’s about knowing anyone who’s been through the system.”

– Brooke, parent

The social web that guides more affluent students toward high-capital degrees (law, medicine, engineering) is simply absent.

Families and students often don’t know many of the initiatives that are available to them and those that do are intimidated by the educational bureaucracy. Terms like HEAR, DARE, ACCESS, CAO points calculation, and FET route become a confusing, impenetrable language barrier, constraining choices regardless of a student’s academic or financial ability.

One parent, whose child was doing well academically, summed up the anxiety perfectly:

” I’ve heard some things about student grants, but the forms look really complicated, and I don’t really understand all the questions. I’d be worried about filling them in wrong and messing it up.”

– Amy, parent

This also soundly debunks the persistent narrative that LSES students lack aspiration. They are ambitious, resilient, and intelligent, but they lack the cultural confidence that comes from familiarity. For many, college remains an ‘alien’ or hostile environment. Students reported feeling they wouldn’t ‘fit in’ or that the university was ‘not a place for people like us’. Aligning with international research on identity and inequality (Hutchings & Archer, 2001), this demonstrates that our equity policies, by focusing narrowly on measurable deficits, fail to provide the most essential ingredient for successful progression and transition – a sense of belonging and the cultural competency to navigate the landscape.

Becoming a teacher – and seeing myself in my students

My own educational path was not a straight line; it was a rescue mission, and the turning point that came years later, sparked by a disorienting dilemma; a health scare that reminded me life is too short to settle.

While working as a Special Needs Assistant (SNA) in a North Dublin primary school, I received a pivotal piece of external validation when the school principal agreed with me I had the capability to lead a classroom, not just assist in one. That belief gave me the courage to return to education as a mature student, overcoming the fear of my initial failure and also the imposter syndrome that had caused me to back out of applications three times before.

Becoming a qualified teacher was a triumph, but returning to teach in disadvantaged settings held up a mirror to my past. I saw students with immense raw talent who, like my younger self, were paralysed by a lack of confidence. This was heartbreakingly familiar. I saw brilliant students limiting their own potential because they had internalised the idea that they weren’t “academic.” They didn’t lack intelligence; they lacked opportunity, belief and they were impacted by their lack of social and cultural capital.

I realised that teaching a few students at a time wasn’t enough; I wanted to change the narrative for them on a larger scale. Today, my PhD research is not just an academic exercise; it is fueled by this ‘insider knowledge.’ I am researching educational barriers not because I read about them in a textbook, but because I climbed over them.

Call to action

My journey from being an outlier, seen as a ‘complete personal failure’ to becoming an educator and a PhD researcher has one singular purpose: to shift the conversation. My research suggests that, while financial and academic support are necessary, they are no longer sufficient. As one principal participant, Keith (2025), put it, we must stop ‘putting plasters over the visible wounds’ and start building the crucial capital that has been unintentionally starved out of the system.

The next generation of equity initiatives and policy cannot be about ‘equal opportunity’ alone; it must be about ‘equity of capital’ and my call to action is clear and practical.

We need to systematically embed capital-building initiatives directly into our support framework.

By co-creating these initiatives with our stakeholders and centering their lived experiences, we can structure initiatives that truly meet the needs of LSES students. Until we acknowledge that the Irish educational system, policies and initiatives inadvertently rewards what is inherited and not just what is achieved, our current efforts will continue to fail LSES students.

My research aims to make the invisible visible, and I pose the question for policymakers: Will you look with your eyes truly open?

Key Messages

  • Education systems reward what students inherit, not just what they achieve.
  • Financial aid alone cannot close the education gap – we must address invisible barriers.
  • Students from disadvantaged backgrounds don’t lack aspiration; they lack the map to navigate higher education.
  • Social and cultural capital are the invisible curriculum the system rewards but never teaches.
  • Educational equity requires shifting from equal opportunity to equity of capital.
Melissa Lynch

Melissa Lynch

Dublin City University

Melissa is an educator, researcher, and equity advocate dedicated to dismantling barriers in education. Currently a PhD candidate and lecturer at DCU’s Institute of Education, her research investigates how social and cultural capital impact the progression of students from disadvantaged backgrounds into higher education.

Her academic work, funded by Research Ireland and recognised with internal awards, is deeply informed by her own lived experience. In addition to her research, Melissa serves as a Board Director for Youth Advocate Programmes Ireland, Is a member of  ATD the All together in Dignity Alliance (#AddThe10th) and is a Research Associate at the Educational Disadvantage Centre (EDC) in DCU.

Google Scholar: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=45QzcSsAAAAJ&hl=en#d=gs_hdr_drw&t=1762540028190

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5503-1603

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241–258). Greenwood.

O’Connor, C. (2017) Education Matters Yearbook 2016–2017. Dublin: Education Matters, pp. 202-205.

Fleming, B., & Harford, J. (2021). The DEIS programme as a policy aimed at combating educational disadvantage: fit for purpose? Irish Educational Studies, 40(4), 481-499. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03323315.2021.1964568

Higher Education Authority (2022) National Access Plan for Equity to Access Participation and Success in Higher Education 2022-2028. Available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/department-of-further-and-higher-education-research-innovation-and-science/publications/national-access-plan-2022-to-2028/. [Accessed 2 November 2025]

Hannon, C., Faas, D., & O’Sullivan, K. (2017). Widening the Educational Capabilities of Socio-Economically Disadvantaged Students Through a Model of Social and Cultural Capital Development. British Educational Research Journal, 43(6), 1225-1245. 

Hutchings, M., & Archer, L. (2001). ‘Higher Than Einstein’: Constructions of Going to University among Working-Class non-Participants. Research Papers in Education, 16(1), 69–91. 

Hyland, Á. (2011). Entry to higher education in Ireland in the 21st century. National Council for Curriculum and Assessment.

Smyth, E., McCoy, S., & Kingston, G. (2015). Learning from the Evaluation of DEIS. Research Series, 39. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI). Available at: https://www.esri.ie/system/files/publications/RS39.pdf

SOLAS (2017). Barriers to Further Education and Training with Particular Reference to Long Term Unemployed Persons and Other Vulnerable Individuals. Solas: The Further Education and Training Authority. Available at: https://www.solas.ie/f/70398/x/432b2fa3ba/barriers-to-fet-final-june-2017.pdf

Inclusive education – between policy and practice

Inclusive education – between policy and practice

by | NERA, NW 4 Inclusive Education

Researchers from the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, (NTNU) presented their INCLUSCHOOLproject, funded by the Research Council of Norway, at ECER 2025. The project’s main objective is to gain new knowledge about inclusion and inclusive practices in schools.

Inclusive education is high on the global agenda and is described by UNESCO (2003) as an ongoing process grounded in the conviction that it is the responsibility of the mainstream school system to educate all children. The UN Sustainable Development Goal on Quality Education (goal no. 4) emphasizes that “Access to inclusive, high-quality education is one of the most important conditions for welfare, health and equality in all societies”.

Although research on inclusive education has intensified in recent decades, the concept continues to be interpreted and implemented in diverse ways (Keles et al., 2024). What inclusive practice actually entails remains unclear(Nilholm, 2021). Accordingly, understanding how inclusion is experienced by those directly affected, particularly students, can offer critical insights into why such gaps persist and how they might be addressed (Chapman and Ainscow, 2021; Messiou, 2024😉

The scope and aims of the INCLUSCHOOL project

By exploring inclusive practices from the bottom up in a super diverse primary school, the INCLUSCHOOL project seeks to contribute new student- and context-sensitive knowledge to the field. The project adopts a user-centered, collaborative approach, in which the students themselves, teachers and other professionals play a key role in shaping both the project design and the research process, step by step. By following their initiative, we explore how they experience, perceive, and practice inclusion in everyday school life.

Through three sub-studies, the project will gather knowledge about:

Students' perspectives on inclusion and their participation in the school's inclusion work. Inclusion as an interactional practice in linguistically and culturally complex school environments. Students' participation in interprofessional collaboration, and the process that may potentially lead to a legal entitlement to special education provision and professionals’ perspectives on this.

A scoping review on students’ perspectives on inclusion

At this year’s ECER conference, participants learned more about a scoping review carried out as part of the first subproject, which aimed to map existing research on students’ voices on inclusive education.

The scoping review is intended to provide valuable insights into research on inclusive education through the voices of students, contributing to the field globally. It also aims to inspire further research into which students themselves are placed at the center.

Likewise, the study offers meaningful contributions to the INCLUSCHOOL project by raising researchers’ awareness of both the opportunities and the potential challenges involved in student-centered research. In particular, the review of 51 research articles focuses on the samples, research methodologies, and themes explored. The majority of the articles involved diverse student populations in their sample. A wide variety of research methodologies have been used in the articles, with qualitative interviews as the most common one.

The students are able to share their perspectives on many different topics, and the research articles include open-ended questions about students’ school life experiences, their socio-emotional experiences at school, and academic experiences and learning environments. Additionally, some articles included questions about students’ need for resources, access, and adjustments, their self- and other perceptions in diverse learning environments, and their life experiences and prospects of the future.

Presenting our findings from the review

Our takeaways include that student voices on inclusive education are multidimensional and complex. For example, students’ experiences of inclusion do not concern solely social-emotional or academic aspects. When schools remain arenas where the majority of students’ time is occupied by learning, their social inclusion depends on whether they are granted equitable access to shared learning activities in the classroom.

If we interpret the collective ambition of these studies as an effort to understand students inclusion experiences as multidimensional and complex, and to explore what they need to experience inclusion in school, we suggest a holistic approach. This perspective highlights the importance of contextual, processual, and interactional sensitivity in the field of inclusive education. Such an approach may offer new and valuable contributions to the field of inclusive education.

Key Messages

  • The INCLUSCHOOL project in Norway explores inclusion as an ongoing process focused on students’ presence, participation, and achievement.

  • Despite international commitments, progress towards inclusive education remains slow, with certain student groups at risk of exclusion.

  • The project adopts a user-centred, collaborative approach in a super-diverse primary school setting.

  • Preliminary findings from a scoping review highlight the complexity and multidimensional nature of students’ perceptions of inclusion.
Professor Marit Uthus

Professor Marit Uthus

Department of Education and Lifelong Learning, Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Marit Uthus, professor, Department of Education and Lifelong Learning, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Her research interests fall within the field of special education and educational psychology. Marit is currently leading the INCLUSCHOOL project, which is funded by the Research Council of Norway.

https://www.ntnu.no/ansatte/marit.uthus

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1263-1486

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Marit-Uthus

Fenna Verkerk

Fenna Verkerk

Department of Teacher Education, Norwegian University of Science and Technology.

Fenna Verkerk is a PhD candidate at the Department of Teacher Education at NTNU. She is affiliated with the INCLUschool project and her research is about pupils’ voices on inclusion at school. 

https://www.ntnu.edu/employees/fenna.verkerk 

Associate Professor Hanne Kristin Aas

Associate Professor Hanne Kristin Aas

Department of Education and Lifelong Learning, Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Hanne Kristin Aas, associate professor, Department of Education and Lifelong Learning , Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Hanne does research in Educational Theory, Special Education and Teacher Education.

https://www.ntnu.no/ansatte/hanne.k.aas

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6033-0966

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Hanne-Aas

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Add your list of references here. Use [1], [2], [3]… to mark where they are used in the text above.
Reflections on teacher protest in Serbia — When educational change becomes political

Reflections on teacher protest in Serbia — When educational change becomes political

by | DIOS

Across different parts of the world, the start of the school year has often been marked by teachers taking to the streets. In 2024, educators in Spain demanded smaller class sizes and less administrative burden; in Greece, they opposed the merging of schools; and in Italy, they rose up for fair pay and job security [1].

At the start of the 2024/25 school year, the same was true in Serbia. Teachers once again protested, calling for better working conditions in education. But then something shifted: what began as professional demands grew into calls for broader social change.

This is the story of that school year in Serbia, told by us—a group of schoolteachers and university professors engaged in teacher education—drawn from our shared experiences and reflections. Above all, it is the story of how the teachers’ rebellion in Serbia was forged.

Where do we begin?

Even though the roots of this education crisis run deep, shaped by decades of policy decisions and systemic neglect, in recent years, the devaluation of the teaching profession in Serbia has become painfully evident. One of the turning points came in 2014, when a hiring freeze was introduced as a cost-saving measure. As a result, today, one in four teachers works under a fixed-term contract [2]. Additionally, half of all teachers do not have a full-time workload at a single school, piecing together hours across multiple schools—often still falling short of a full teaching schedule [3].

Even those with full-time positions earn, on average, about 12% below the national salary average, despite being among the 16.4% of Serbia’s population with the highest level of education [4]. In comparison with their counterparts elsewhere in Europe [5] and the region[6], this disparity becomes even more pronounced. While teachers in Romania and Hungary earn 10–30% above their respective national averages, those in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Bulgaria earn roughly in line with national averages.

Even though the roots of this crisis lie in long-standing decisions by education policymakers and decades of neglect toward problems in the education system.

This financial insecurity is not only a personal burden—it is eroding the profession itself. Interest in teacher education programs is declining [7], threatening the future availability of qualified teaching staff. Shortages are already evident in high-demand subjects such as mathematics, computer science, physics, English, and German [8] —fields that typically lead to better-paying jobs outside the education sector. It hardly needs to be emphasized how devastating this trend could be for the quality of education in Serbia.

Yet these conditions shape and constrain the role of teachers as agents of change, not only within education but also in society. Fixed-term contracts and fragmented workloads foster dependency and insecurity, limiting teachers’ capacity to speak out, organize collectively, or cultivate a sense of community. In this way, economic insecurity functions as a mechanism that silences their voices.

Negotiations to improve teachers’ financial situation began in December 2022, between union representatives and officials from the Ministry of Education and the Government. In October 2023, an agreement was signed, committing state institutions to align teachers’ salaries with the national average by January 2025. But when 2024’s financial plans failed to support these promises, teachers took to the streets. A large warning protest on September 16, 2024, was ignored, and in November, teachers went on strike following a union call. The government responded that the agreement could not be fulfilled in 2025 “due to limited funds and no possibility of securing more.” [9]

The next trigger came when the union agreed to terms set by the Ministry that teachers considered humiliating. The proposed salary increase was minimal, keeping wages below the agreed level. The agreement also tied the distribution of budget funds to union membership, favoring certain unions that teachers saw as aligned with the Ministry in attempting to quell protests. As trust in the unions eroded, teachers began organizing into informal associations.

 

In the meantime … 

Meanwhile, a wave of student protests was triggered by a national tragedy that shook the country. On November 1, at the recently renovated train station in Novi Sad—officially reopened just months earlier in July 2024—a concrete canopy collapsed, instantly killing 14 people and seriously injuring three more, two of whom later died.

On November 22, students from the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in Belgrade (FDA) organized a silent vigil at a nearby intersection—fifteen minutes of silence, one for each victim. Their peaceful act was violently interrupted by a group, later revealed to be members of the ruling party, including some local officials, who attacked several students, resulting in some being hospitalized. In response, FDA students occupied their faculty, and by December 1, other faculties had joined the action.

The students issued four demands [10], calling primarily for the prosecution of those responsible for both the canopy collapse and the attacks on protesters, as well as for transparency in the work of government institutions. They made it clear: these demands must be met for the occupation to end. As the government continued to avoid meeting the students’ demands, the protests intensified—growing in scale.

Embracing student demands

The student and teacher protests in Serbia were far from coincidental. Both movements were fueled by a shared call for accountability in a system long accustomed to turning a blind eye to corruption and public neglect. Teachers quickly recognized the legitimacy of the students’ demands: “The demands students presented to the state were written in a universal language—the desire to establish the rule of law and the principle of accountability. That’s why schools quickly adopted these demands as their own and followed their lead,” recalled one high school principal. For educators, this resonance was immediate – they themselves navigated a system marked by institutional dysfunction, the sidelining of expertise in favor of party loyalty, and pressures from unauthorized actors intruding on professional decisions—from hiring teachers and selecting principals to allocating budgets for school repairs.

A key moment in this alignment came through a direct appeal from former pupils—now university students—who were participating in the blockades. These students reached out to their high school teachers, who had shaped them, reminding them of the values once promoted in the classroom: that education is not merely about grades or diplomas, but about justice, civic responsibility, and ethical engagement. One high school principal described the moment:

“Students organized letters of support to the schools they had attended. In our case, 725 former pupils, now university students, signed. The letter was delivered at the school in front of all staff and around 150–200 alumni. The emotion during that encounter was incredible—a corridor of former pupils welcomed the teachers with thunderous applause.”

Not long after, current high school students—starting with seniors—joined the blockades to stand with their university peers. Faced with a choice between supporting their current and former students in what was widely seen as a just cause, or aligning with a Ministry that, in the words of one principal, had “reduced itself to an instrument of repression and obedience to a hybrid regime with ties to criminal circles,” many teachers found their decision clear. They were moved not only by the cause itself but also by the attacks on protesting students, who had been publicly humiliated by government officials and even physically assaulted, with some run over by a car [11].

The decision to join was also encouraged by the support of fellow teachers—from the same school or others, from different levels of education. They motivated and supported one another, aware that they all contributed to educating young people, and with a renewed sense that their work had meaning. At the same time, they recognized that education cannot be meaningful if it ignores the social context. In this process, the boundaries between the strictly professional and the broader civic roles of teachers blurred. No theory claiming that education is a social and contextual activity could have had the impact that this real-life professional and societal context did.

Teachers acting as agents of social change

By mid-December, the teachers’ protest had become part of a broader civic movement calling for reform not only in education but across society. In this phase, the protest moved beyond the legal framework of a strike—which requires educators to maintain a minimum level of instruction—and took the form of civil disobedience, involving partial or complete suspension of classes. Yet the suspension of teaching did not mean inactivity. Instead, a new space for learning and critical engagement emerged, as one high school principal described it:

“During the months of the work stoppage, incredible forms of alternative, non-institutional teaching practices emerged—akin to lifelong learning—through the synergy of pupils, parents, teachers, and the local community. A vibrant, intellectual atmosphere brought about a whole series of exceptional ideas for how the school could be enriched in the future. Plenums [12] proposed speakers and topics, and decisions were made through voting. Film nights, quizzes, tournaments, poetry festivals were organized… The school lived an alternative life, which deeply influenced pupils and teachers in terms of enriching their practice going forward.”

As the protest grew, teachers’ actions were increasingly perceived as efforts not only to secure better conditions within schools but also to foster a better society. Stepping outside legal framework and defying Ministry pressure, educators risked salaries and even their jobs. Their courage inspired public sympathy and wider community involvement. Parents of younger pupils organized daily activities for children while teachers were on strike. Citizens gathered outside schools visited by educational inspectors seeking to halt the work stoppage. When the Ministry docked teachers’ pay, the IT community and an education-focused foundation provided a transparent system for citizens to donate directly—raising over 228 million RSD (roughly 2 million EUR) for educators affected by the stoppage.

Another significant form of protest came through mass withdrawals from representative teacher unions. Educators sought to demonstrate that union agreements no longer reflected the will of the teaching community and to prevent union representatives from speaking on their behalf in negotiations. As trust in unions eroded, most protest activities were organized autonomously by teachers themselves—through schools and informal associations that had formed or strengthened during this time. Crucially, this period saw coordination across all levels of education, from preschools to universities, as teachers collaborated to resist Ministry pressure and support one another.

The next phase unfolded after March 15, following a large demonstration in Belgrade. Despite high public expectations, the government made no meaningful progress toward meeting the students’ demands. Instead, officials intensified media campaigns and increased pressure on teachers participating in the work stoppage. As the school year progressed and the authorities’ inaction became evident, concern for students’ education led many schools and teachers to gradually resume regular teaching. Returning to the classroom was emotionally difficult for some educators, who feared they might have weakened student protests or betrayed the expectations of former pupils. Isolation returned as they reentered the classrooms, leaving teachers more vulnerable to manipulation within a centralized system. The question then became: how could the protest continue once the classrooms reopened?

Returning to teaching was followed by disciplinary measures against striking educators, including threats, dismissals, and, in many cases, the termination of fixed-term contracts over the summer. Some school principals were removed, and school boards dissolved, particularly where entire staffs had participated. During this time, education workers, pupils, university students, and other citizens held daily protests in solidarity with teachers facing job loss. Since disciplinary measures were initiated simultaneously across schools in Serbia, public support had to be spread thin, making these protests mostly small and limiting their ability to exert real pressure.

At the end of the school year, teachers became bogged down in a debate about whether all pupils should be given top marks to demonstrate that grades are meaningless in a system that does not respect knowledge—or whether grading should be boycotted entirely to paralyze the system and pressure the government to meet its obligations. Some teachers turned their attention toward reclaiming the unions, while others focused on strengthening non-union voices of education workers. At the beginning of the new school year, there is no clear call to action, and it remains uncertain who holds the legitimacy to issue one.

Where this leaves the teachers’ rebellion is unclear. Yet despite uncertainty, one thing remains undeniable: across Serbia, in front of schools and within them, the resistance still simmers.

Final refections — Teachers as agents of sociology(-political) change

This is not a story only about Serbia. Across diverse educational systems, a persistent tension can be observed: the gap between how teachers are celebrated in scholarly literature and what regulations actually allow them to do. Scholars often cast teachers as agents of social change, shaping not just the minds of their students but also the communities in which they live and work.

Yet in practice, rules in many countries enforce a principle of neutrality within schools, constraining the ways educators can step into public life. Herein lies the core dilemma: if education is profoundly political—through curriculum choices, enrollment policies, hiring decisions, allocation of funding—can, or should, teachers remain politically neutral?

This question is no longer theoretical. It is lived every day—in classrooms, in school hallways, and on the streets. The stakes are real—for those who stay silent and for those who raise their voices, for their students, their profession, and the society they serve. Perhaps the most urgent task now is to pose this question aloud: to examine how existing regulations constrain teachers, limiting their power to act within and beyond the classroom, and to confront the broader consequences of a system that treats teaching as if it could ever be a non-political act.

This article is a shortened, adapted, and updated version of the paper “Wie wir die Rebellion aufgebaut haben: Eine Fallstudie zu den Lehrer:innenprotesten in Serbien,” originally published in German in the journal Schulheft.

Olja Jovanović

Olja Jovanović

Assistant Professor, University of Belgrade

Olja Jovanović is an Assistant Professor of Educational Psychology at the University of Belgrade, working at the Center for Teacher Education and the Department of Psychology. With experience across schools, NGOs, international organizations, and higher education, her research focuses on processes of marginalisation of children and young people in educational contexts, with particular attention to the role of teachers as agents of social change.

Katarina Mićić

Katarina Mićić

Assistant Professor, University of Belgrade

Katarina Mićić is an Assistant Professor at the University of Belgrade, working at the Center for Teacher Education and the Department of Psychology. Her research focuses on equity and inclusion in education, teacher education, and students’ motivation to learn. She is engaged in reform initiatives aimed at improving inclusive education and developing data-informed educational policies. She is committed to ensuring that academic knowledge and research findings serve the community, particularly schools.

Lidija Radulović

Lidija Radulović

Associate Professor, University of Belgrade

Lidija Radulović is an Associate Professor at the University of Belgrade, Centre for Teacher Education and the Department of Pedagogy, with more than 35 years of teaching and research experience. She is involved in the development and implementation of teacher education programmes. Her research focuses on the teaching profession and teacher education.

Bojan Vučković

Bojan Vučković

Principle, XIII Belgrade Gymnasium

Bojan Vučković has served as the principal of the XIII Belgrade Gymnasium since 2004. He graduated in 1990 from the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Belgrade, majoring in History. From 1990 to 2004, he worked in several primary and secondary vocational schools, and since 1993 he has been teaching history at the XIII Belgrade Gymnasium. From 2000 to 2004, he was co-president of the Association for Social History “Euroclio,” whose activities are primarily oriented toward secondary education.

Aleksandar Tadić

Aleksandar Tadić

Associate Professor, University of Belgrade

Aleksandar Tadić is an Associate Professor of General Pedagogy, Contemporary Pedagogical Theories, and Education System at the University of Belgrade, working at the Department for Pedagogy and Andragogy. With experience across schools and higher education, his research focuses on contemporary educational theory, pedagogy of autonomy, classroom discipline, initial pedagogical education of teachers and educational policies.

Ljiljana Rajčić

Ljiljana Rajčić

Teacher, Ivo Andrić Primary School, Belgrade

Ljiljana Rajčić holds a diploma in mathematics. Since 2001, she has been working at the Primary School “Ivo Andrić” in Belgrade as a teacher of mathematics and informatics. She sees her mission in motivating students to independently seek answers and to recognize knowledge as an invaluable asset that shapes their future.

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

[1] Workers Struggles: Europe, Middle East & Africa https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/09/05/xprs-s05.html

[2] https://opendata.mpn.gov.rs/otvoreni-podaci 

[3] Data requested and received from the Ministry of Education 

[4] https://publikacije.stat.gov.rs/G2025/Pdf/G202517018.pdf 

[5] https://eurydice.eacea.ec.europa.eu/data-and-visuals/teachers-statutory-salaries#tab-1

[6] https://demostat.rs/sr/vesti/analize/kolike-su-plate-nastavnika-u-susednim-zemljama/2140

[7] University of Belgrade data.

[8]  Data requested and received from the Ministry of Education.

[9] https://www.danas.rs/vesti/drustvo/vlada-pozvala-sindikate-obrazovanje-i-predskolstva-na-sastanak 

[10] The initial students’ demands can be found here: https://podrzistudente.org/?lang=en 

[11] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xHlTI-fS9Oc&ab_channel=InsajderVideo  

[12] Plenums were the main means of decision making during the protests. A plenum is a general assembly open to all members of a group or community, where everyone has an equal right to speak, propose, and decide, typically functioning on principles of direct democracy and consensus. 

What PhD Dissertations Reveal About Early Childhood Education in Spain

What PhD Dissertations Reveal About Early Childhood Education in Spain

by | General, NW 11 Educational Improvement and Quality Assurance, SEP

In educational research, peer-reviewed journal articles often take centre stage. Yet another rich source of knowledge is frequently overlooked: doctoral theses. These in-depth works capture new, exploratory directions and provide a unique window into how research evolves in specific national contexts.

This study analysed 84 doctoral dissertations in Early Childhood Education (ECE) defended in Spain between 2020 and 2024, retrieved from the Spanish repositories TESEO and Tesis en Red. Using a descriptive–retrospective methodology supported by bibliometric analysis, it mapped emerging research priorities, identified the universities most active in ECE scholarship, and examined how this output aligns with current educational policies, including the LOE–LOMLOE reforms on competency-based learning, inclusivity, and cross-curricular values.

Why look at doctoral theses?

A desk with papers, some written, some printed documents with graphs and tables, crumpled up paper, a coffee cup, a pencil, and a notebook with pages marked.

PhD dissertations represent the culmination of years of academic inquiry and often capture new, exploratory directions that may not yet appear in mainstream literature. As Fuentes and Arguimbau (2010) note, a dissertation contributes original and specialized knowledge, offering valuable context to assess what matters most in a given field. This is especially true in Early Childhood Education, a stage recognized for its importance in long-term child development.

A research gap and a unique methodology

Despite their potential, doctoral theses have historically been classified as “grey literature,” meaning they are not always easily accessible. However, thanks to open repositories such as TESEO and Tesis en Red in Spain, it is now possible to conduct large-scale bibliometric and content analyses.

This study began by identifying 96 theses defended between 2020 and 2024. After applying inclusion criteria focused on Early Childhood Education—such as relevance of the topic, educational stage addressed, and methodological transparency—84 dissertations were selected for analysis.

Data extraction followed a structured protocol including:

  • Thesis title and year of defence
  • University and department
  • Author and supervisor gender
  • Main research theme (coded into thematic categories)
  • Methodological approach and sample characteristics

Thematic classification was conducted using both manual coding and keyword mapping, ensuring reliability through inter-coder agreement checks. Quantitative data were analysed descriptively to identify trends, while qualitative insights from abstracts and introductions provided context to interpret the statistical patterns.

We focused on variables such as thesis topics, authorship gender, supervising institutions, and frequency of certain methodological approaches.

The goal was not only to quantify scientific output, but also to understand how it aligns with current educational needs and policies, including the recent reforms in Spain such as LOE-LOMLOE — a legal framework updated in 2020 that emphasizes competency-based learning, inclusivity, and the integration of cross-curricular values like sustainability, gender equality, and digital literacy.

Key findings: What the data shows

The analysis revealed clear thematic patterns. Teacher training was the most prevalent focus, appearing in nearly 29% of the theses, followed closely by research on active methodologies at 22.6%. Inclusion and diversity were central in 21.4% of dissertations, highlighting the field’s attention to equity in early learning environments. Other areas such as socio-emotional development, digital competence, and neuropsychology were represented to a lesser extent but still contributed to a diverse research landscape.

Gender patterns were also striking. Women authored over 70% of the dissertations and supervised 68% of them, reflecting a strong female presence in ECE research. The data further suggested gendered differences in research focus: female authors more frequently explored inclusion, diversity, and emotional development, whereas male authors were somewhat more represented in technology-related studies.

Institutional analysis showed that doctoral production was concentrated in a few universities, which acted as hubs for innovation and scholarly collaboration. Departments specializing in Didactics and Scholar Organisation, and Developmental and Educational Psychology stood out for their volume of research, indicating the presence of focused academic communities with shared research priorities.

The findings point to a vibrant yet uneven research ecosystem in Spain’s Early Childhood Education doctoral output. While dominant themes like teacher training and inclusion align with both national and international priorities, there are emerging areas—such as digital competence in early years and socio-emotional skill development—that remain underrepresented despite their growing relevance in 21st-century classrooms.

The gender patterns observed are not only statistically significant but also sociologically meaningful. The strong female representation among both authors and supervisors may influence the thematic focus of the research, possibly reinforcing inclusive and affective dimensions in ECE scholarship.

The concentration of doctoral production in a handful of universities—particularly in Murcia, Valencia, Castilla-La Mancha, and Salamanca—indicates that these institutions have become influential research hubs, often developing ‘scientific schools’ focused on specific ECE themes. Interestingly, these are not Spain’s largest universities, yet they play a central role in shaping national ECE research agendas. While this concentration creates opportunities for strong collaborative networks, it also raises questions about whether the diversity of perspectives and equitable access to doctoral research opportunities are being fully ensured across the country.

Why this matters for policy and practice

Understanding the trends in doctoral research offers policymakers a unique, evidence-based perspective on where Early Childhood Education (ECE) is heading and what areas may require strategic support.

For example, the prominence of teacher training in nearly 30% of theses signals a continued need for professional development programs that equip educators with the skills to implement active and inclusive methodologies effectively. Similarly, the strong focus on diversity and inclusion suggests that policy measures should prioritize resources for supporting children with diverse learning needs, as well as monitoring the impact of these policies in the classroom.

Beyond guiding policy priorities, the findings also highlight gaps where intervention may be required. Certain research areas, such as digital literacy in early years or socio-emotional development, remain underexplored relative to their growing importance in 21st-century education.

Identifying these gaps allows education authorities to design targeted funding programs, encourage collaborative research initiatives, and foster innovative pedagogical practices. Additionally, recognizing which universities act as research hubs can inform decisions about where to concentrate partnerships, training initiatives, and dissemination of best practices, ultimately strengthening the national ECE system.

A call to recognize hidden knowledge

Doctoral theses contain rich insights that are often invisible to mainstream education stakeholders, yet they can significantly influence practice and policy. By treating these works as valuable sources of evidence, institutions and policymakers can expand their understanding of emerging trends and innovative methodologies in ECE. For instance, the clear gender patterns observed among authors and supervisors highlight not only the strengths of female representation in the field but also the need to examine how these dynamics may influence research focus and professional development.

Moreover, integrating knowledge from doctoral theses can enhance collaboration between research and practice. Educators can draw inspiration from experimental or pilot approaches documented in dissertations, while universities and research centres can use these findings to foster cross-institutional networks. Encouraging access to and discussion of grey literature promotes a more inclusive academic ecosystem, where evidence from diverse sources informs educational reform. Ultimately, acknowledging and leveraging the insights hidden in doctoral work is a step toward a more reflective, innovative, and effective Early Childhood Education system in Spain.

Overall, doctoral theses should be recognised as more than academic milestones; they are strategic sources of evidence for shaping educational policy, informing teacher training curricula, and identifying innovation opportunities in early years pedagogy.

Key Messages

— Doctoral theses offer deep insights into emerging research trends in Early Childhood Education (ECE) in Spain.

— Between 2020 and 2024, key themes included teacher training, active methodologies, and diversity/inclusion.

— Women represented the majority of thesis authors and supervisors, showing significant gender patterns.

— Academic production is concentrated in specific universities, pointing to strong institutional research hubs.

— The findings help identify current educational challenges and guide future improvements in ECE policy and practice.

Paula Martínez-Enríquez

Paula Martínez-Enríquez

International Doctoral School of UNED (Spain)

Paula Martínez-Enríquez is a PhD candidate in Education at the International Doctoral School of UNED (Spain). Her research focuses on quality assurance in education and emerging trends in Early Childhood Education, as well as Project-based methodology in Early Childhood Education and democratic pedagogies. She is currently funded by the Regional Government of Madrid through the 2023 predoctoral research training program.

Orchid: 0009-0001-7339-9425 

paula.martinez@edu.uned.es

Scholar Google Paula Martínez-Enríquez

LinkedIn Paula Martínez-Enríquez

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Eliasson, S., Peterson, L. & Lantz-Andersson, A. A systematic literature review of empirical research on technology education in early childhood education. Int J Technol Des Educ 33, 793–818 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10798-022-09764-z

Yu, S., & Cho, E. (2022). Preservice teachers’ attitudes toward inclusion. Early Childhood Education Journal, 50(4).https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10643-021-01187-0

Fuentes, M., & Arguimbau, M. (2010). Tesis doctorales y conocimiento pedagógico. Editorial UOC.

Repiso, R., Torres-Salinas, D., & Delgado, E. (2011). Scientific grey literature and doctoral dissertations. ICONO 14, 11(2).

López-Gómez, E. (2016). Analysis of doctoral theses in educational tutoring. Revista General de Información y Documentación, 26(1).http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rev_RGID.2016.v26.n1.53047

Why we must listen to migrant children: School belonging in a hostile environment

Why we must listen to migrant children: School belonging in a hostile environment

by | BERA, Emerging Researchers' Group, NW 25 Research on Children's Rights in Education

It seemed like a regular school room, with colourful posters on the walls, a small table with pencils and books, and two blue chairs tucked behind a large desk – but for hydrous [1], a 9-year-old boy from Poland, it meant belonging. It was a space where he felt secure, where he could get help with his English, and where staff showed him care and attention that made him feel seen. In a world that often felt confusing and unwelcoming, this room became a quiet anchor, a place where he could just be a child, not “the foreign kid”.

My research showed that schools can act as powerful spaces of inclusion and belonging for migrant children – what I describe as an oasis within wider hostile political environments. In a time when migration and diversity are increasingly politicised, recognising and supporting these inclusive spaces is more urgent than ever.

An image taken by a child showing a room in a schoool with bright images on the walls.

Image by hydrous

A hostile environment

Image of a small wooden pavillon in a school playground.

Image by Luna

Across the UK and Europe, migration is being framed as a problem. From intensified border controls in Germany to stricter citizenship requirements in Italy through securitised language and policy in the UK, the environment has become deeply challenging for migrants, refugees, asylum-seekers, and their families. Anti-immigration rhetoric is no longer confined to the far right; even centrist and liberal parties have adopted exclusionary discourses and policies in an effort to appeal to nationalist sentiments.

Children are not immune to these dynamics. Migrant children, in particular, are caught in the tensions between their lived experiences and the public narratives about who belongs and who doesn’t (Richey, 2023). While politicians and media outlets often discuss migration in abstract terms, real children are navigating these social currents daily, in classrooms, in playgrounds, and in their journeys to and from school.

This development is especially significant given that, across the European Union, children with a migrant background represent a growing proportion of the population. While around 10% of the general EU population was born outside the EU, among children, the proportion with at least one foreign-born parent is closer to one in four. This generational shift underscores the growing importance of fostering belonging, inclusion, and identity in schools. As classrooms become increasingly diverse, education systems must adapt to ensure that all children, regardless of background, feel recognised, valued, and supported.

The role of schools

A coloured pencil drawing by a child showing children playing under a rainbow

Children often talked about the importance of playing and being with friends
Drawing by Mistral

In this context, the role of schools becomes critical. For children, schools sit at the intersection of family and society and are often the first space where migrant children socialise with members from outside their ethnic group. Educational institutions have the potential to buffer against hostile discourses by fostering empathy, inclusion, and intercultural understanding, offering opportunities for children to anchor their belonging in formal, social, emotional and symbolic dimensions (Popyk, 2023). Multi-ethnic school environments, in particular, allow migrant children to experience their backgrounds as ordinary (Tajic and Lund, 2023), rather than exceptional. 

My PhD thesis explored how children with a migrant background in post-Brexit England perceived their school environment. Conducted at a multi-ethnic primary school about 30 miles from London, the ethnographic study involved 15 Polish children aged 9–11, using participant observation and creative, child-centred methods, including drawings, photo voice, and Persona Dolls. It revealed that while broader society was increasingly hostile to immigrants, schools can provide safe, inclusive spaces that nurture children’s sense of belonging and support their identity development. 

Through my research, I found that children place deep value on small, everyday gestures that acknowledge and respect their cultural backgrounds – whether it’s a teacher learning a few words in their native language or seeing their national flags proudly displayed on classroom walls and learning materials. The children praised the school’s ethos of inclusivity and identified racism as something more commonly encountered in other educational settings. They also spoke about the importance of friendship as a way to counter hostility and discrimination. Of course, not all schools succeed in creating such environments, and some can even reproduce marginalisation and inequalities (Tereschenko et al., 2019), but my research highlights how, in some cases, schools can provide much-needed spaces of safety, recognition, and support.

The missing voices of children

What is often missing from public debates is the perspective of migrant children themselves. We talk about them but rarely listen to them. And yet, their insights are vital, not only for creating inclusive school environments but also for informing broader conversations on migration, education, and children’s rights. Schools, as everyday sites of encounter and negotiation, offer valuable lessons for society on how to foster tolerance, challenge xenophobia, and better understand the lived realities of migration.

Final thoughts

Schools can serve as spaces of belonging in the context of increasingly exclusionary politics, offering migrant children recognition and inclusion. To strengthen this role, further research is needed on how education systems can meaningfully engage with and reflect migrant children’s voices, ensuring their experiences inform policies and practices.

Key Messages

  • Migration has become increasingly politicised across Europe, with anti-immigration attitudes, discourses, and policies creating a hostile environment for migrant children.
  • Schools can act as buffers of resistance, fostering belonging through inclusive pedagogies and practices.
  • Listening to migrant children’s voices is essential for shaping inclusive education policies and practices. Their perspectives can inform wider efforts to build more tolerant and cohesive societies.
Dr Thi Bogossian

Dr Thi Bogossian

University of Warwick, UK

Thi Bogossian (they/them) recently completed a PhD in Sociology at the University of Surrey (UK) and is currently based at the University of Warwick. With research interests in childhood and youth, education, migration, and gender, they bring previous experience as a school teacher and are now building a research and teaching profile in higher education.

Thi is actively engaged in international and comparative research and has contributed to global policy initiatives in the field of education

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

[1] I gave children the opportunity to choose their pseudonyms. In the assent form, hydrous did not capitalise his name and I decided to respect his decision.

Bogossian, T. (2024). Polish schoolchildren in post-Brexit England: Performativities, identities, and sense of belonging. [PhD]. University of Surrey. DOI: 10.15126/thesis.901242 

Eurostat, Statistics Explained. (2025) EU population diversity by citizenship and country of birth. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=EU_population_diversity_by_citizenship_and_country_of_birth. Accessed on 05-Aug-2025. 

Gaál, F. (2025). Germany ramps up border checks. Deutsche Welle. https://www.dw.com/en/tighter-borders-germany-ramps-up-checks/video-72606467. Accessed on 05-Aug-2025. 

Moench, M. (2025). Italy tightens rules for Italian descendants to become citizens. BBC News. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cdxkk0z9y05o. Accessed on 05-Aug-2025. 

 Orav, A. (2023). Integration of migrant children. [Briefing]. European Parliamentary ResearchService. PE754.601. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2023/754601/EPRS_BRI(2023)754601_EN.pdf. Accessed on 05-Aug-2025. 

Popyk, A. (2022). Anchors and thresholds in the formation of a transnational sense of belonging of migrant children in Poland. Children’s Geographies, 21(3), 459–472. DOI: 10.1080/14733285.2022.2075693 

Richey, S. (2023). Collateral Damage: The Influence of Political Rhetoric on the Incorporation of Second-Generation Americans. University of Michigan Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3998/mpub.11691056 

Syal, R. (2025). Starmer accused of echoing far right with ‘island of strangers’ speech. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/may/12/keir-starmer-defends-plans-to-curb-net-migration. Accessed on 05-Aug-2025. 

Tajic, D., Lund, A. (2023). The call of ordinariness: peer interaction and superdiversity within the civil sphere. American Journal of Cultural Sociology 11, 337–364. DOI: 10.1057/s41290-022-00154-5 

 Tereshchenko, A., Bradbury, A., & Archer, L. (2019). Eastern European migrants’ experiences of racism in English schools: positions of marginal whiteness and linguistic otherness. Whiteness and Education, 4(1), 53–71. DOI: 10.1080/23793406.2019.1584048