Behind closed doors – Understanding how local politicians influence school allocation

Behind closed doors – Understanding how local politicians influence school allocation

Every year, parents across Europe and beyond face the pivotal choice of which school is the most suitable for their children. But do they truly have as much choice as they believe? Through his exploration into the allocation of primary school places in the case of Berlin’s inner-city district, Dabisch’s (2022) European Education Research Journal article sheds light on the significant role of local politicians in shaping and executing national education policies. As the universal pursuit of educational equality remains a distant goal, these findings prompt a deeper reflection on the current complexities of educational governance and the nuanced influence of the ‘local’ in achieving educational equality on a European and global scale.

The debate surrounding school allocation

In discussions about school allocation, the concept of ‘choice’ stands as a central and contentious issue. While parental influence has been a focal point in recent media coverage (see this article by Forbes), it is essential to recognise the role of local political actors, who play a crucial part in establishing catchment areas, challenging institutional reputations, and ensuring equal educational opportunities.

Berlin’s historical legacy as a city divided into districts, each presenting unique challenges and characteristics, enriches this discussion. Since 1949, parents have had the option to choose a school outside their catchment area, a reform that has arguably heightened social segregation and competition. Navigating this complex allocation system falls on the shoulders of district elected department heads, highlighting the critical role they play in shaping educational access and outcomes.

Research findings

Dabisch’s (2022) study, based on interviews with three department heads, reveals significant differences in the implementation of federal regulations regarding primary school place allocation across Berlin’s district.

Despite a shared acknowledgement of the importance of providing sufficient primary school places within walking distance for children and improving the reputation of undersubscribed schools, contextual factors such as population size, available school places, and historical catchment areas profoundly influence decision-making (p.823). For instance, the challenges posed by high student populations in districts A and B constrained the department heads’ ability to achieve their objectives, prompting them to perceive their influence on allocation as limited (p.826).

Far from conforming to rational decision-making, department heads’ decisions and policy interpretations were heavily influenced by their political beliefs. Social-democratic heads, for example, prioritised social diversity, while the conservative head’s commitment was conditional on alignment with parental interests, reflecting broader political values and priorities (p.826).

Interestingly, the fragmented responses observed among Berlin’s district heads were linked to the absence of a unified emphasis on catchment areas within the city’s teacher unions (p.827). This lack of cohesive guidance impedes efforts to address competition and limit choice dynamics amongst parents, highlighting the need for greater coordination within local communities.

Implications beyond Berlin’s borders

What does this reveal about the direction of education policy in Europe? The last decade has witnessed a gradual shift towards ‘decentralization’, which refers to the process of granting more power to local educational authorities. Whilst this system may promote democratic choice and innovation in education, Dabisch’s (2022) findings highlight that it can also result in fragmented schooling and exacerbated disparities amongst schools, ultimately perpetuating social inequalities.

 Where you go to school, and consequently school allocation processes, matter (see in this Sutton Trust Report). As decentralisation continues, mitigating these distinctions amongst schools and achieving the global aim of ensuring “inclusive and equitable quality education…for all” by 2030 (United Nations, 2018) depends more than ever on local actors to implement national policy effectively. This is especially crucial considering that it is the quality of enactment, rather than the policy itself, that is pivotal for educational improvement (Nordholm et al,2022:1).

Ultimately, these findings demonstrate the importance of finding a balance between central and local responsibilities in European educational governance when such local disparities persist. Achieving this balance is crucial for effective policy enactment, adapting to local contexts, and, most importantly, ensuring equal access to education. This should prompt education systems across Europe to ask: What is the best approach to achieve this balance?

As the UK Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer advocates for breaking the “class ceiling” through further decentralisation (The Labour Party, 2022:5), Berlin’s educational governance offers a glimpse into the potential future of school communities across Europe if this question isn’t comprehensively answered.

Key Messages

  • Local politicians significantly influence the implementation of national educational policies, affecting school catchment areas and educational success
  • Berlin’s historical district-based structure and school choice policies have led to increased social segregation and competition
  • Differences in policy implementation among district heads are shaped by contextual factors and political beliefs, causing inconsistent educational outcomes
  • Decentralisation in education can lead to fragmented systems and increased inequalities, highlighting the need for balanced central and local governance
Daisy MacRae

Daisy MacRae

Daisy MacRae is a final year MA (Hons) Government, Policy and Society student at the University of Edinburgh.

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

  • Burgess, S., Greaves, E., &Vignoles, A. (2020). School places: A fair choice. Educational Review.
  • Crawford, M., Maxwell, B., Coldron, J., & Simkins, T. (2020). Local authorities as actors in the emerging “school-led” system in England. Educational Review, 1–17.
  • Dabisch, V. (2022). Which child to which school? How local politicians shape catchment areas, school choice and diversity. European Educational Research Journal, 22(6), 814–833.
  • ‌Dzhurylo, A. (2019). Decentralization in education systems: European policies and practices. Education: Modern Discourses, 1, 29–37.
  • Morrison, N. (2024) Are Lotteries The Fairest Way To Allocate School Places? Forbes. https://www.forbes.com/sites/nickmorrison/2024/01/10/are-lotteries-the-fairest-way-to-allocate-school-places/
  • ‌Nordholm, D., Wermke, W., & Jarl, M. (2022). In the eye of the storm? Mapping out a story of principals’ decision-making in an era of decentralisation and re-centralisation. Journal of Educational Administration and History, 1–21.
  • The Labour Party: Policy Positions on Key Education Issues. (2022). https://plmr.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Labour-Party-Policy-Positions_Education_Dec2022web.pdf
  • United Nations. (2018). What is the goal here? Why does education matter? https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Goal-4.pdf
Parental and Family Involvement in Children’s Digital Learning: Bridging Policy and Practice

Parental and Family Involvement in Children’s Digital Learning: Bridging Policy and Practice

As education systems adapt to the demands of the digital age, preparing students to live and learn in a technology driven world has become a pressing priority. The successful integration of digital technologies in education is a complex, multi-faceted process that depends on several interrelated factors, including the crucial role of family support and socio-economic conditions (Giannoutsou et al., 2024). This blog briefly explores how European and Irish digital education policies seek to address parental and family involvement in children’s digital learning—a topic we believe deserves greater recognition. We aim to spark discussions about how education systems and school communities can better support families, especially those at risk of digital exclusion. We will conclude with proffering recommendations for bridging gaps in policy and practice to foster inclusive digital learning environments.

Parental involvement in children’s learning: why it matters?

A large body of research highlights the benefits of parental involvement on children’s development, both socially and academically.  Whether at home, in school, or both, the more parents actively engage in their child’s education, the better the outcomes.  But what exactly is parental involvement in an educational context? Literature describes it as a ‘multi-faceted’ (Epstein, 1995) and ‘multi-dimensional’ concept (Laranjeiro et al.,2023). As a general definition, parental involvement refers to parents actively engaging in their child’s education both at school and at home. Several seminal publications provide frameworks for understanding the concept of parental involvement, including the Parental Involvement Process model (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1995, 1997) and Epstein’s six types of parental involvement (1995). These frameworks enable us to understand why and how parents become involved in their child’s education.

As education systems and schools work towards integrating digital technologies into education successfully, these theoretical perspectives clearly elucidate the central role parents play. By recognising this role, we can work toward building stronger family-school partnerships in the digital age with the ultimate aim of achieving better outcomes for children.

Policy – the role of parents and families in digital education

The digital transformation of education, defined as “a realignment of education models utilising digital technology to engage students, teachers, parents, and leaders more effectively at every point in the students’ schooling journey” (McCarthy et al., 2023, p. 9), has seen education systems across the globe develop strategies and policies to guide the integration and use of digital technologies in schools (van der Flies, 2020). Yet, parental involvement in digital education is often overlooked in such policies (Internetmatters.org, 2024), despite research highlighting that strong school-parent relationships are integral to the digital transformation process (Giannoutsou et al., 2024).

Some recent development suggests a more optimistic outlook. At EU level, a 2023 European Council recommendation called for the “active participation” of parents and other underrepresented groups in digital education reforms. At national level, Ireland’s Digital Strategy for Schools to 2027 emphasises empowering parents to support children’s digital learning, acknowledging gaps in adult digital skills. Similarly, Ireland’s Literacy, Numeracy, and Digital Literacy Strategy 2024–2033 aims to expand family digital literacy programmes, particularly for marginalised communities.

Enacting these policies and strategies at school level requires the engagement of key actors, particularly school leaders and teachers (McCarthy et al., 2023). By promoting parental involvement in children’s digital learning, they play a key role in fostering stronger family-school partnerships, which work towards enhancing student outcomes (Yulianti et al., 2022). However, with school leaders and teachers already managing numerous policies and initiatives, implementing additional actions to support digital education policies requires substantial investment in both physical and human resources in our educations systems.

What does this look like in practice? Some examples of digital resources and programmes

Building on the understanding of parental involvement as active engagement in children’s education both at home and in school, here are some Irish initiatives and resources designed to support family-school partnerships in the digital age:

  • Programme to Enhance Digital Literacy (PEDL): This school-based programme in Ireland is designed to support and shape parents’ digital confidence and competence, enabling them to better support their children’s digital learning. Read more about the programme here.
  • European Year of Digital Citizenship Education (2025): Hosted by the Council of Europe, this initiative offers tools and ideas to help parents and carers support their children in becoming ethical individuals who can actively participate in online and offline communities. You can access the resources for parents here.
  • Digital Wellbeing Resources: Many available resources for parents focus on supporting aspects of their children’s digital wellbeing, such as internet safety. Two notable examples from Ireland include Webwise Guides for Parents, which addresses issues like cyberbullying and online safety, and Barnardo’s Parent Section, offering practical guidance to foster safe digital environments at home.

These links offer a brief insight into some of the materials available to schools which could be used to foster parental involvement in children’s digital education. For maximum impact, we recommend complementing these resources with training for members of the school community to provide in-person sessions, which facilitate direct engagement and stronger connections between parents and schools. Furthermore, we echo Gonzalez-DeHass et al. (2022) in highlighting the need for further research into meaningful home-based digital learning practices, as well as the development of tailored resources specifically aimed at shaping parents’ competence in using digital learning tools and platforms for education.

Recommendations

To support parental involvement in children’s digital learning, we propose the following actions:

Allocate a Dedicated Parent and Family Support Position in Schools:

Providing dedicated staff to support parents can strengthen family-school relationships. In Ireland, the Home School Community Liaison Officer (HSCLO) role is designed to support parents of students at risk of educational disadvantage. While this position is currently limited to schools with DEIS (disadvantaged) status, its benefits could extend to all schools, fostering greater parental involvement and support across diverse educational contexts. An OECD review (2024) highlighted that even non-DEIS schools see the HSCLO role as a valuable asset. Expanding this position to all schools, with a focus on families at risk of digital exclusion, could significantly enhance parental involvement.

Implement School-Based Interventions to Enhance Parents’ Digital Self-Efficacy:

Low levels of digital self-efficacy hinder parents’ ability and motivation to engage with their children’s digital learning (Gonzalez-DeHass et al., 2022). With adequate training and resources, schools can support the implementation of targeted, in-person interventions to build parents’ digital skills and competences. Such programmes would not only foster stronger family-school relationships but also increase parental involvement in digital learning. To ensure success, school leaders should follow established frameworks, such as those outlined by Qualter (2024). However, for such interventions to be successful, they must be adequately resourced by education systems. This includes providing funding, training, and support for schools to design and deliver these programmes effectively. Without this systemic backing, school leaders and teachers—already stretched by existing demands – will naturally face challenges in implementing these initiatives

Key Messages

  • Parental involvement plays a central role in children’s educational outcomes.
  • Building meaningful, collaborative family-school partnerships is essential for creating inclusive approaches to digital education and mitigating digital exclusion.
  • Parental involvement is increasingly recognised in digital education policies as a key factor in addressing digital exclusion, but more actionable steps are needed to turn this recognition into practice.
  • Expanding the Home School Community Liaison Officer (HSCLO) programme, or similar roles, to all schools – regardless of status – can strengthen family-school relationships and provide targeted support for families at risk of many forms of exclusion, including digital.
  • School-based interventions designed to enhance parents’ digital self-efficacy can increase their engagement in children’s digital learning and foster more inclusive educational environments.
  • Schools must be equipped with adequate human, physical, and digital resources, alongside comprehensive training, to effectively involve families in digital learning and ensure all students benefit from the opportunities of the digital age.
  • Successful policy implementation depends on adequate resourcing (see point above). Without this, overburdened school leaders and teachers may struggle to deliver the intended impact of digital transformation initiatives.
Declan Qualter

Declan Qualter

Practice Placement Supervisor, University College Dublin, School of Education

Declan Qualter works in the School of Education at University College Dublin, Ireland, where he is the Practice Placement Supervisor for the UCD Bachelor of Education with Gaeilge and/or Modern Languages programme, and he also teaches on the UCD Professional Masters in Education programme. In addition, Declan is a PhD candidate at the UCD School of Education, where his research focuses on parental involvement in children’s home-based digital learning. His other research interests are focused on the digital transformation of education, particularly the role of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in educational settings.

Linked in – https://www.linkedin.com/in/declanqualter/

Orcid – https://orcid.org/0009-0005-4872-0343

Research gate – https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Declan-Qualter 

Dr Rachel Farrell

Dr Rachel Farrell

Assistant Professor, University College Dublin, School of Education

Dr Rachel Farrell is Assistant Professor of Initial Teacher Education (ITE) and the Director of the Professional Master of Education Programme (PME) in the School of Education at University College Dublin. Rachel’s main research interest is in the area of Democratic Pedagogical Partnerships and Expansive Learning in Initial Teacher Education (ITE). Rachel has led many collaborative initiatives including: effective use of immersive technology in post-primary education with SchooVR, an evaluation of digital portfolios in ITE with MS Education Ireland, cyber resilience education with the Department of the Environment Climate and Communications (DECC) – see www.cyberwise.ie, The Look See What I Can Be: Changing Mindsets/Impacting Futures in STEM funded by SFI and supported by the Professional Development Services for Teachers (PDST), SFI funded Science Week initiative in 2021 and the PDST Young Economist of the Year national awards for post-primary students in association with multiple universities and government agencies.

X – @econrachel

LinkedIn – https://www.linkedin.com/in/rachel-farrell-phd-ucd/

Ordid – https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5828-7938 

Other blog posts on similar topics:

References and Further Reading

Epstein, J. L. (1995). School/Family/Community Partnerships: Caring for the Children We Share. The Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701–712. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20405436

Giannoutsou, N., Ioannou, A., Timotheou, S., Miliou, O., Dimitriadis, Y., Cachia, R., Villagrá-, S. S., & Martínez-, M. A. (2024, January 29). Unpacking the impact of digital technologies in Education. JRC Publications Repository. https://doi.org/10.2760/214675

Gonzalez-DeHass, A. R., Willems, P. P., Powers, J. R., & Musgrove, A. T. (2022). Parental involvement in supporting students’ digital learning. Educational Psychologist57(4), 281–294. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.2022.2129647

Hoover-Dempsey, K. V., & Sandler, H. M. (1995). Parental involvement in children’s education: Why does it make a difference? Teachers College Record, 97(2), 310–331. https://doi.org/10.1177/016146819509700202

Hoover-Dempsey, K. V., & Sandler, H. M. (1997). Why do parents become involved in their children’s education? Review of Educational Research, 67(1), 3–42. https://doi.org/10.2307/1170618

Internetmatters.org (2024, September 6). Children’s Wellbeing in a Digital World — Index Report 2024. Internet Matters. https://www.internetmatters.org/hub/research/childrens-wellbeing-in-a-digital-world-index-report-2024/#full-report

Laranjeiro, D., Antunes, M. J., & Santos, P. (2023). Using Design-Based Research for a Technological Intervention to Promote Parental Involvement in Kindergarten. SN Computer Science, 4(3), 278. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42979-023-01666-8

McCarthy, A. M., Maor, D., McConney, A., & Cavanaugh, C. (2023). Digital transformation in education: Critical components for leaders of system change. Social Sciences & Humanities Open, 8(1), 100479. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssaho.2023.100479

OECD. (2024). OECD Review of Resourcing Schools to Address Educational Disadvantage in Ireland. OECD. https://doi.org/10.1787/3433784c-en

Qualter, D. (2024). From Digital Exclusion to Digital Inclusion: Shaping the Role of Parental Involvement in Home-Based Digital Learning – A Narrative Literature Review. Computers in the Schools, 41(2), 120–144. https://doi.org/10.1080/07380569.2024.2322167

van der Flies, R. (2020). Digital strategies in education across OECD countries: Exploring education policies on digital technologies. OECD Education Working Papers, Vol. 226. https://doi.org/10.1787/33dd4c26-en

Yulianti, K., Denessen, E., Droop, M., & Veerman, G.-J. (2022). School efforts to promote parental involvement: The contributions of school leaders and teachers. Educational Studies, 48(1), 98–113. https://doi.org/10.1080/03055698.2020.1740978

The Swedish school system – Its problems and possible solutions

The Swedish school system – Its problems and possible solutions

Gunnar Iselau is the former Director of Education for the Swedish National Agency of Education. In this position, he has gained a meta-perspective of the Swedish school organisation and its problems. Colleagues in other countries often ask ‘How is it that Sweden’s school system, which has previously been a model for the rest of the world, has now become so problematic?’ 

In this video, Gunnar addresses this question and offers solutions to the 10 problems he identifies. He hopes that this will help educators and educational researchers around the world better understand the Swedish system, and compare it to their country’s educational system.

A transcript of his presentation can be found below the video. 

Video Transcript 

Hello. I’m Gunnar Iselau and I get a lot of questions from my international colleagues. Everyone starts in the same way. How is it that Sweden, which has had such a well-functioning school system, now has such a polarized and international questioned system? And that Sweden, which was at the top in terms of knowledge, now has fallen so low. And that’s Sweden which was the world’s best at helping those students in need, is now letting these students sink.

The summary of the questions is how it is that Sweden, which is so rich and has all the possibilities, has created a polarizing school system that threatens the entire base for its democracy?

The Swedish education system does not work as intended based on school laws and regulations for the school. Instead, every level of responsibility in practice interprets in their own way. Instead of enforcing the common rules, the result is a lottery both regarding equivalence and learning.

Which possibilities a student gets depends on the municipality, school, and teacher. What could it be due to? In various international contexts, I’ve presented the basic reasons that can explain why nothing happens despite a lot of efforts being made.

Colleagues from different countries who have heard me have now requested these reasons, so I will present the top 10 obstacles in about 20 minutes including possible solutions.

See this as a starting point for your reflections on the school situation in your own country to discover and avoid, and if necessary, improve.

And what do I base my experience on? I have served at the National Agency for Education’s evaluation department for a long time. There I have participated in and been responsible for evaluations, had dialogues with the Ministry of Education, within universities research, and recently been hired as an expert by authorities and municipalities. In this way, I’ve gained a meta-perspective on the situation for the Swedish education organization.

Everything I know we describe should be perceived as positive even if it’s negative. And to make it clear some descriptions are in black and white. To make a point what I am describing is the usual situation although there are of course exceptions, but they are just exceptions.

The first step is always to realize how it is in order to change – as in the emperor’s new clothes, if you read this story. All my points are in line with both Swedish laws and regulations, school research and evaluations of the Swedish school system. Some of my reports on this are available in English. Some are also for use by the OECD.

The basic question is why the Swedish schools’ equivalence and quality have declined despite all attempts to make them better. The efforts made over the past 25 years can be summed up by the fact that never have so many made so many efforts in Swedish schools at such an enormous cost, with so little efficiency. So, what is the problem with the Swedish school organization and how can it get better?

Here is a description in 10 points in about 20 minutes.

Number one. Levels of responsibility in the school system.

It’s a horizontal spinning system. The Swedish governance of the school is divided into different levels of responsibility. The National Ministry of Education has given the municipal assemblies the responsibility to organize their schools so that each principal can lead the school. So that each student achieves the national goals. So, it is three main levels. The national government, the municipal assemblies, and the school unit level.

The problem is that these levels are like different worlds. Each level works in its own way, according to its own perceptions of what to do. Not after the national mission. In an effort to improve, each different level does more of the same thing, which makes it worse. We can call this “horizontal spinning”. It is common for each level to shift its responsibility to the level below.

Finally, the responsibility for students’ learning has dropped to the student themselves. And when the student is in trouble, especially if he or she hasn’t parents who can help. No school organization wants to prevent students from learning.

Sweden does not want that either but still, it is what is happening. And how to fix this?

The first thing is to make sure that each level of responsibility does not decide for itself what to do or follow the municipal routine which often focuses on secondary tasks. Instead, the action of the levels must be based on the assignments in the national government documents. That is what the Swedish taxpayers pay for, and the students have the right to, and what the democratic society needs. Therefore, ensure that the upper level in the school organization acts so that the next level can fulfill – and really fulfills – its national mission. Otherwise, it will be as it is.

Number two. Knowledge goals.

They are lowered to suit a worse result. Only 80% of students reach the national goals each year. A situation that has been going on for several decades and which has been implicitly approved by the National Ministry of Education, and their supervisory authorities. This means that 20% of Swedish students have not been given the conditions they are entitled to. 20 000 students per year during each year.

The responsibility lies with the National Ministry of Education which has not clarified the municipal assembly’s responsibility to give each student equal opportunities to achieve the national goals.

The National Ministry of Education has, through its failure to enforce the Education Act in practice, accepted the municipal assembly’s own interpretations of the Education Act. Which is startling but has become normal. The rankings published by various interest organizations for teachers and employers have contributed to the maintaining of low goal fulfillment. The municipalities that are above the average in the measurements do nothing more. And those that are below do not consider themselves able to do anything. The years go by, and nothing happens.

How to fix this? According to the curriculum, the teaching is based on the students’ experiences and thinking. Not, as often can be, based on the teacher’s own experiences and thinking. What to do is simple and obvious. Just as national laws in Sweden ensure that everyone in traffic drives on the right side, so the National Ministry of Education must ensure that everyone complies with the Education Act.

This means that the curriculum’s goals and guidelines must guide the teaching.

Not the teachers’ different opinions on what to do. This will increase the conditions for the students learning.

Number three. Nationally governing.

It’s more to be governed, than governing. Instead of governing, the National Ministry of Education afterwards tries to support – with extra resources and targeted efforts – when the municipalities and schools prove not to work. The municipal assemblies and their economists are grateful when they do not have to take their given responsibility. These rescue efforts have been done for the past 20 years and did not even work from the beginning. But it has become an alibi for both the municipal assemblies and the national Ministry of Education that something is being done. And gives a deadline that is further ahead to wait and see. But it does not get better. And then try again in the same way with the same result. And it does not get any better.

That the Swedish schools inspectorate criticize the officials in the municipalities when something is wrong but spares the politically responsible. Then it’s difficult to get a change. The root cause is that the municipalities organization is Teflon coated. All attempts by the National Ministry of Education to do something that changed the municipalities routines slip away and disappear.

And how to fix this? The operation is simple. The National Ministry of Education requires the municipal assembly to comply with the Education Act. And in that way, make sure that every student gets the conditions to feel safe and learn. In addition, the national government should once again earmark the economic contributions for schools, and repay what the national government saved in the 1990s when they left it to the municipalities to take responsibility. In this way, both the municipal and the national bodies benefits as the need for money for plasters  – that is to say emergency measures – decreases.

Number four. The municipal assemblies’ governors.

“What? We?” Because the Swedish municipal assemblies have not seen or accepted their responsibility for each student, they have used money that could have created equivalence and quality in the school for other things. Then, it costs them many times as much to try to repair the damage that has occurred, to patch up the failed teaching.

Students who do not receive the opportunity cost a lot in extra support measures, as well as later in social expenses, labour market measures, and some unfortunately in prison care costs. It can be said that the sails that would be used to move the school ship forward must instead be used to seal the holes in the leaking school ship.

What will be the effect of the Swedish municipalities keeping a low teacher wage level for almost 30 years? Well, they have lost talented teachers who earn more in other professions. Instead, they often have teachers who could not be anything else. In addition, many of the teachers do not even have a teacher’s degree. And the question is – what does a teacher’s substandard teaching costs the students who do not get the opportunity to learn that they are entitled to? And what does it cost society?

When the municipality reduced teachers’ salaries and fewer people wanted to become teachers, the Swedish national ministry of education tried to help by lowering the admission requirements for teacher education. Double error. Poor competence of the teachers hardly benefits the students’ learning.

And how to fix this? The question is what is the best effect for the money invested in the school? Swedish and international reports are clear. The best financial outcome is to secure and, if necessary, increase the teachers’ competence to teach. Because Sweden has not invested in it so far, this is the biggest potential success factor in Swedish schools. A necessary premise is that the focus in the system must change. From focusing on the final result to ensuring the quality of the ongoing process – that is the teaching – which is what affects the result.

Number five. The Head of Education in the municipality.

They released the steering wheel. The responsible local politicians have officials who will organize the assignment, based on the resources provided. Responsible is the Head of the Education department in the municipal. That is the case in theory but not in practice. It is common for the Head of Education department in the municipal not to ensure that the principal performs – and can perform – his or her duties. The alibi is often that the principal says to the head of the administration, “I have a government assignment, so I take care of it myself”, and both execs then can do what they think is more important or easier. It becomes a win-win situation for them, but a losing situation for the students, who remain in their difficulties.

How to fix this? Yes, you will probably see the necessary action directly. It is that the municipal assembly places as the first requirement on its Head of Education to ensure that each principal can carry out – and carries out – his or her assignment. And it is to make sure that the teaching works for each teacher. Then the Head of Education has fulfilled their task. Perhaps the most important contribution as it also becomes a model for the principal’s approach to their teachers. 

Number six. Principals.

They hand over their pedagogical leadership to each teacher. In Sweden, there is often a division of property between the principal and the teachers. We teachers take care of the quality of teaching so you as a principal can take care of the rest. This makes life easier for the principal and for the teachers but not for the students. Because Swedish teachers are alone. No one follows how their teaching is conducted. Students in difficulty remain in difficulty. It should be noted that the principal in fact also commits misconduct. For the principles task in the curriculum is precisely to be a pedagogical leader. As this, the principal is responsible for following up on the teaching and evaluating school results in relation to the national goals and the knowledge requirements. The principal is also responsible for the results of the school. In Swedish schools, principals often do – or must do – other tasks than being pedagogical leaders. As a result, the situation is as it is. The same year to year.

And how to fix it? This is most important. It should not be a lottery what chance a student gets depending on the teacher’s skills. Therefore, the principal must ensure that each teacher has – or develops – three basic competencies according to school research. Relationship competencies, leadership competencies, and didactic competencies.

The view of a good teacher must be defined. It is not the one who gives high marks or leans his teaching toward a textbook. Nor it is to be able to motivate the already motivated students. What is the criterion for a good teacher? Well, it is to be able to motivate the unmotivated student. The day when this criteria becomes crucial in wage setting, then something happens in the Swedish schools.

Number seven. Quality assurance.

It’s fruit without seeds.

Each principal and each Swedish municipal assembly must, according to the Education Act, make an annual quality assurance to follow up and develop the education. But how is it in practice? It is not done – or it is made by each principal according to their own opinion, often focusing on what they have done but a little on what they have achieved. And no descriptions of problems or what to do about them. Or it is the management’s description, which often is overfilled with excel statistics that no one can interpret or interprets in different ways.

In summary, the Swedish quality work does not work. It has no core that builds the future and often no one but the author of the report cares. How do we know that Swedish quality assurance does not work? Well, then quality improvements would have made it better, right? But nothing has happened. The same situation year after year.

And how to fix this?

The starting point for evaluation should not be the staff’s image, but the students’ own descriptions of the situation. The current situation of their well-being and their learning. It is this image that governs their actions. So it is the student’s image that all improvement starts with, not the adults’ image of how they think the students feel.

Also, the focus must change from what has been achieved to what remains. Which should not be described as common as aggregated percentage. Instead, for each school, state the number of students who have not achieved the goals. This then becomes concrete both as a challenging starting point and to follow the effect of measures. It is the student’s image of their situation that constitutes the fruitful core. The one that is the common starting point at all levels of responsibility to coordinate and – if necessary – to improve.

Number eight. For-profit independent schools. A loss for all but one.

In Sweden, as the only country in the world, you can start a school that is paid for with tax money per pupil. And if there is money left over, take it out as a profit.

Will there be money left over? Certainly – if the owner reduces the cost through cheap premises, cheap staff, and selects students who are easy to teach, the owner gets a fat bank account somewhere. Results improve, the for-profit school’s students are given higher grades but have poorer knowledge than municipal ones when these are measured equally.

Freedom of choice is positive words but hides increased segregation by the fact that some schools attract certain students. The result, together with segregated residential areas, has been that Swedish schools have gone from mixed socio-economic school classes to schools being segregated depending on parents’ socio-economic status or religious affiliation. Add that to the National Agency for Education reports that the opportunity you as a student gets depends on peer influence. That is, how to succeed in achieving your goals depends on which schoolmates you have — this has dismantled the equation and well-being in the Swedish society. The misunderstanding of each other and thus the contradictions has increased – like the exclusions of students from school. For-profit independent schools and freedom of choice for some have thus eroded democracy in Swedish society.

And how to fix this? First, do not introduce profit in school activities. It’s not good for anyone except the owners’ bank accounts. If the municipal school does not work well, do not think that increased competition by giving profit to private school companies is the solution. Rather, improve the municipal school equally for all. Cheaper, and better. For if the National Ministry of Education and the municipality assemblies follow the guidelines set out in the national government documents and which I’ve tried to recall here, there is no reason to choose. Then all schools have the same quality. Then the students’ opportunities are not affected by where they live nor by the socio-economic or religious status of their parents.

Number nine. National tests. Something good that became bad.

In the 90s, national tests were introduced in Swedish schools. They were diagnostic. The teacher could compare the image of the student with the image from the national test and thereby get a second opinion for their assessment. According to the National Agency for Education, it should support the teacher to make assessments equally and fairly. Good, if it stopped at this. But the media and politicians began to take in results, rank schools, and see the tests as exams. Then things went crooked.

The results of the national tests were decisive for both the principal status and the teachers’ salary level. The national tests which could only measure paper pencil answers guided the teaching to a lower level. A situation that makes it easier for insecure teachers with a lower competence to be able to teach but disadvantages the students, especially those who have difficulty expressing themselves in text or have a bad day.

In addition, the teachers corrected the students’ answers themselves. Situations are described where the teacher regulates their salary and gives the school a higher ranking by correcting the students’ answers positively.

How to fix this.

Yes, diagnostic tests are good for the often lonely teachers’ assessment. It also concretizes the parts of the curriculum that are measured which is good. But avoid comparative rankings and these take over teachers grading responsibility, then everything fails. By returning to the function national tests should have – a second opinion for the teacher. The teacher’s professional status is increased. It also gives students a better chance of reaching all national goals, even those that cannot be measured with just paper and pencil.

Number 10. School research without practical effect.

Swedish school research is characterized by researchers making research to present their research reports to their research colleagues and thus make it clear. It’s often interesting reports, which then are read and discussed by their colleagues and superiors. But what about principals and teachers? Do they know? No. And if they come across them, do they feel that they can be used in their everyday school life? No.

So, even if Swedish school research highlights how the school should function, it has had no practical effect.

And what is needed to fix this? It’s just one thing. Introduce requirements for tested and repeated results by external parts -at the school level and teaching level – before a research report is approved. Then the results would have an effect in the Swedish schools.

This was 10 points that sum up Swedish school’s problems, but also shows how the problems can be solved, which is stated in the Education Act and in the curriculum, but are not followed so far.

So, really – it’s easy. Just to begin. The basic idea in these ten points is that if all levels of responsibility instead do as intended in the assignment, it’s more likely that the Swedish schools will reach what is intended – the same conditions for all students regardless of municipality, school, or teacher.

I hope these 10 points have stimulated you in your thinking, and how you experience your school organization.

 

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Gunnar Iselau

Gunnar Iselau

Former Director of Education, the Swedish National Agency for Education, now developer of municipal school systems.

Gunnar Iselau is a former Director of Education, the Swedish National Agency for Education, and is now a developer of municipal school systems.

International observer IEA.

Website: sysko.se

Looking to the Past to think about the Future of Policy Research

Looking to the Past to think about the Future of Policy Research

With the online European Conference on Educational Research 2021 fast approaching, to whet your appetite for what will doubtless be an exciting and stimulating event, you might like to revisit one of the academic highlights of spring 2021 for the Policy Studies and the Politics of Education Network (EERA Network 23). Our Online Seminar Series brought together leading academics in the field of education policy studies, all of whom have a close relationship with Network 23. Over 200 friends and associates of the network registered to attend the four seminars, reflecting the huge contribution made by each of our speakers to education policy research.

In one way or another, our speakers looked to the past to think about the future of critical education policy research.

Navigating Crisis: A reflection on 2020, entangled space-times of education, revisionist work and learning, and making histories

In the first seminar, Terri Seddon, Professor Emeritus of La Trobe University in Melbourne, reflected on the events of 2020 before looking to the future. In a powerful presentation, Terri brought together a variety of images and ideas with findings from a funded research project that investigated policy reform and policy effects in an ‘integrated partnership’ model of teacher education. Terri suggested that historical reading and writing can offer insights into educational knowledge building, and discussed processes of rereading the past and rewriting the future. Finally, in looking towards sustainable futures, Terri considered the place of doubt in partnership work and concluded with thoughts on the remaking of teacher education.

Multiple Temporalities in Critical Policy Sociology in Education

In the second seminar, Bob Lingard, Professorial Fellow in the Institute for Learning Sciences and Teacher Education at the Australian Catholic University and Emeritus Professor at The University of Queensland, discussed multiple temporalities in critical education policy sociology. Extending the concept of ‘historically informed’ in Jenny Ozga’s definition of education policy sociology in 1987, Bob considered different conceptions of the temporal which, he suggested, refers to the complex relationships between past, present, and future. Bob then argued that the temporal is neglected in critical education policy sociology, and demands new research and theoretical work. Looking back in time will help us understand the present and possible future in policy terms, and relationships between them.

Elites and Experts in Education Policy

In the third seminar, Jenny Ozga, Professor Emeritus of the University of Oxford and one of the founders of our network, discussed elites and experts in education policy. Jenny drew on work investigating the changing relationship between knowledge, expertise, and policy, looking at the forms of knowledge available to policy actors and the effects of these on the capacity of policy actors, including experts and elites, to govern education. Jenny compared the knowledge technologies and material processes available to policy elites and experts in the 1980s with those in contemporary contexts, to better understand knowledge-policy relationships. She concluded with some thoughts on how the pandemic has affected relationships between experts and policymakers.

Sedimentation and/or re-politicization of a highly marketized education system

In the final seminar, Lisbeth Lundahl and Linda Rönnberg, both Professors at the University of Umea, were joined by Professor Piia Seppänen of the University of Turku to discuss highly marketized education systems, focusing on Sweden. Their work builds on research carried out over several decades on the economisation of public education and its consequences, which include increased social segregation, reduced democratic influence over education, and the impoverishment of curricula. They set each of these in historical perspective within the Swedish context. Based on interviews with leading Swedish system actors, including education business leaders and various interest organisations, Lisbeth, Linda and Piia then reported on the extent to which commodification, privatization and marketization in education have become institutionalized, normalized, and therefore taken for granted. They identified this process as one that Bob Jessop describes as sedimentation, although they remained hopeful that re-politicisation of policy debates was now emerging.

This series provided an opportunity for those within the wider education policy research community to connect with each other. For many, these seminars provided some relief from the enforced isolation of the global pandemic, and were well received by all who attended. The speakers were generous in the time they gave, and provocative and insightful in their presentations. I am sure you will enjoy watching and listening to them, whether for the first time or as a reminder of what was a wonderful series.

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Dr Peter Kelly

Dr Peter Kelly

Associate Professor (Reader) in Comparative Education · Plymouth Institute of Education

Peter Kelly is Link Convenor for Network 23: Policy Studies and Politics of Education. If you would like to know more about Network 23, he is happy to be contacted: peter.kelly@plymouth.ac.uk.

References and Further Reading

Alexiadou, Nafsika, Lundahl, Lisbeth & Rönnberg, Linda (2019). Shifting logics: education and privatization the Swedish way, in: J. Wilkinson, R. Niesche & S. Eacott (Eds) Challenges for public education: reconceptualising educational leadership, policy and social justice as resources for hope, London, Routledge. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1267623&dswid=9840

Lingard, Bob (2021) Multiple temporalities in critical policy sociology in education, Critical Studies in Education 62(3) 338-353, DOI: 10.1080/17508487.2021.1895856. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17508487.2021.1895856

Manton, Claire, Heffernan, Troy, Kostogriz, Alex & Seddon, Terri (2021) Australian school–university partnerships: the (dis)integrated work of teacher educators, Asia Pacific Journal of Teacher Education, 49:3, 334-346, DOI: 10.1080/1359866X.2020.1780563. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1359866X.2020.1780563

Ozga, Jenny (2020) Elites and Expertise: the changing material production of knowledge for policy, in: G. Fan and T. Popkewitz (Eds) Values, Governance, Globalization, and Methodology, Volume 1, Singapore, Springer Open. https://www.springer.com/gp/book/9789811383465

 

The ‘Logic’ Behind the Resumption of National Testing in the Danish State School System

The ‘Logic’ Behind the Resumption of National Testing in the Danish State School System

On the 1st of February, the Danish Minister of Education, Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil, announced that national testing would be resumed as of March 1st to evaluate the “learning loss” that has arisen in connection with the lockdown of state schools in Denmark. What is the logic behind this decision, and what does it say about the political priorities in relation to primary schools?

The Danish Minister’s announcement that national testing must be resumed immediately after the reopening of public schools has not been well received by the Danish Union of Teachers and many individual teachers. For example, in an interview with the Danish radio station P1, teacher Anne Hammer pointed out that there is a need to focus on well-being and re-establishment of the communities when the students return after the lockdown, rather than national testing. She also pointed out that national tests put students under pressure and create uncertainty, which directly counteracts the work around well-being.

Against these arguments, the Minister argues that there is a need for knowledge about learning gaps at the municipal and national level. This concept does not focus on the individual pupil and school class but rather on identifying overall patterns at the societal level. The argument for this societal need is presented by the Minister’s party colleague and spokesperson on education, Jens Joel, who in the same broadcast pointed out that the OECD has found a connection between learning losses and a decline in gross domestic product.

This argument reflects the so-called human capital approach to education, which roughly means that education must provide a skilled labour force and increasing productivity in the labour market. The OECD has advocated this approach for decades. It is a key component of the entire PISA program, which, citing education economist Eric Hanushek of the Neo-Conservative Hoover Institute, postulates a link between a country’s PISA performance and its GDP. However, this link has been emphatically disproved in numerous research publications by, among others, Hikaru Komatsu and Jeremy Rappleye. Similarly, the whole idea behind the human capital approach has been thoroughly dismantled by, among others, the British Professor of Education and Political Economy, Hugh Lauder, who demonstrates a lack of coherence between learning and earning in the global economy.

In terms of research, there is thus a picture of very dubious reasoning behind the requirement for national tests in the reopening public school. Therefore, it appears that the reason for national testing is more likely to be the desire to have some form of certainty and control of the public school by central authorities. This desire must be understood in terms of how education works globally, where international comparisons and an understanding of education is viewed as a determining factor for countries’ future competitiveness and, essentially, their long-term survival. As Professor John Krejsler has argued convincingly, global education policy is today driven by a fear of falling behind, and a well-functioning education system is understood as a system that delivers competitive academic results… and this requires certainty and control by the central authorities.

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Blog Contributor

Christian Ydesen

Christian Ydesen

Professor (WSR) at Department of Culture and Learning, Aalborg University, Denmark

Christian Ydesen is a professor (WSR) at the Department of Culture and Learning, Aalborg University, Denmark. He is the PI of the project ‘The Global History of the OECD in education’ funded by the Aalborg University talent programme and the project ‘Education Access under the Reign of Testing and Inclusion’ funded by the Independent Research Fund Denmark. He has been a visiting scholar at Edinburg University (2008-2009, 2016), Birmingham University (2013), Oxford University (2019), and Milan University (2021) and published several chapters and articles on topics such as educational testing, international organisations, accountability, educational psychology and diversity in education from historical and international perspectives. He currently serves as an executive editor of the European Educational Research Journal.

Webpages:

https://vbn.aau.dk/en/persons/124965

https://www.researchgate.net/procle/Christian_Ydesen

Project webpages:

EduAccess.aau.dk

https://www.en.culture.aau.dk/research/projects/global-history-oecd-in-education

References and Further Reading

Brown, P., Lauder, H., & Cheung, S. Y. (2020). Theœ death of human capital? – Its Failed Promise and How to Renew It in an Age of Disruption. Oxford University Press.

Hanushek, E. A., & Woessmann, L. (2015)The knowledge capital of nations: Education and the economics of growth. The MIT Press.

Komatsu, H., & Rappleye, J. (2021). Rearticulating PISA. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 19(2), 245-258. https://10.1080/14767724.2021.1878014

Krejsler, J. B. (2019). How a European ‘Fear of falling behind’ discourse co-produces global standards: Exploring the inbound and outbound performativity of the transnational turn in European education policy. In C. Ydesen (Ed.), The OECD’s historical rise in education: The formation of a global governing complex (pp. 245-267). Springer International Publishing.